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THE 

“Yonkers Plan” 

FOR 

Prohibition Enforcement 





THE 


“Yonkers Plan” 

FOR 

Prohibition Enforcement 

together with 

A system of local organization 
which any community can use 
to develop a sound, active public 
sentiment for law and order. 


A Text Book and Working Manual 
for Community Use 


h 

WILLIAM H. ANDERSON, LL. D. 

Attorney and Counselor-at-Law; State Superintendent, Anti- 
Saloon League of New York; Member National Legislative 
and Executive Committees, Anti-Saloon League of America; 
Member Executive Committee, World League Against Alco¬ 
holism; Citizenship Chairman of the Epworth League for 
New York State; Chairman Committee on Public Policy, 
Board of Temperance, Prohibition and Public Morals of the 
Methodist Episcopal Church; General Superintendent of the 
‘‘Allied Citizens of America, Inc.” 


Published by the 

American Issue Publishing Company 

Westerville, Ohio 


Copyright, 1921, by WILLIAM H. ANDERSON 


PRESERVE THIS MANUAL FOR REFERENCE 

Protect it in Your Pocket by Carrying it in an Envelope 







PRICES (PAPER BACK) 




°‘V-' 


Single copy postpaid or over the counter.per copy, 25 cents 

5 to 50 copies postpaid.per copy, 20 cents 

100 copies by express not paid.per copy, 15 cents 


1,000 copies by express or freight not paid....per copy, 14 cents 


(IN CLOTH COVER) 

For the benefit of leaders who will give it extra hard use, and 
for presentation to local newspapers, libraries, public officials, 
etc., an edition is furnished in limp, heavy art-canvas cover at 
double the cost of the paper back, as follows: 


Single copy postpaid or over the counter.per copy, 50 cents 

5 to 50 copies postpaid.per copy, 40 cents 

100 copies by express not paid.per copy, 30 cents 


COMBINATION OFFER 

When as many as 100 of the paper back manuals are pur¬ 
chased, any number of the cloth covered will be included in the 
same package at 30 cents per copy. 

WHERE OBTAINABLE 

When time is vital or the dealer applied to has none in stock 
this manual will be supplied to persons outside of New York 
State by the author from 906 Broadway, New York City, at 
prices above quoted, cash to accompany order. Publishers and 
booksellers will be supplied at trade rates from the same 
address. All others are requested where convenient to pur¬ 
chase from one of the following (or some other dealer): 

ANTI-SALOON LEAGUE, 9C6 Broadway, New York City. 
ALLIED CITIZENS OF AMERICA, Inc. (same address). 
AMERICAN ISSUE PUBLISHING CO., Westerville, Ohio. 

THE METHODIST BOOK CONCERN, New York, Boston, 
Pittsburgh, Cincinnati, Detroit, Chicago, Kansas City, San 
Francisco, and Portland, Ore. 

PRESBYTERIAN BOARD OF PUBLICATION, Philadelphia, 
New York, Chicago, Cincinnati, Nashville, St. Louis, San 
Francisco. 

N. Y. STATE W. C. T. U., Suite 503, 156 Fifth Ave., N. Y. City 
FLEMING II. REVELL CO., New York and Chicago. 

THE PILGRIM PRESS (Congregational), Boston. 

UNITED LUTHERAN PUBLICATION HOUSE, Philadelphia. 
UNITED PRESBYTERIAN BOARD OF PUBLICATION, Pitts¬ 
burgh, Pa. 

PUBLICATION AND SUNDAY SCHOOL BOARD OF THE 
REFORMED CHURCH, Philadelphia. 

THE EVANGELICAL PRESS, Harrisburg, Pa. 

PUBLISHING HOUSE OF THE METHODIST EPISCOPAL 
CHURCH, SOUTH, Nashville, Tenn. 

AMERICAN BAPTIST PUBLICATION SOCIETY, Philadelphia. 
AMERICAN FRIENDS BIBLE SCHOOL BOARD, Richmond, 
Ind. 

BAPTIST SUNDAY SCHOOL BOARD (South), Nashville, Tenn. 
METHODIST PROTESTANT BOARD OF PUBLICATION, 
Pittsburgh, Pa. 

THE OTTERBEIN PRESS (United Brethren), Dayton, Ohio. 
BOARD OF TEMPERANCE, PROHIBITION AND PUBLIC 
MORALS OF THE METHODIST EPISCOPAL CHURCH, 
Washington, D. C. 


c • 

REPRESENTATIVE INDIVIDUALS COMMEND 

The undersigned (speaking personally and not for their 
respective organizations) “commend the ‘YONKERS PLAN’ as 
outlined in this manual as a sane, workable, efficient method of 
securing law enforcement’’: 

PURLEY A. BAKER, D.D., General Superintendent Anti- 

Saloon League of America. 

HOWARD H. RUSSELL, D.D., LL.D., Founder of the Anti- 

Saloon League and Associate General Superintendent, Chair¬ 
man National Legislative Conference. 

ERNEST H. CHERRINGTON, LL.D., Editor and General Man¬ 
ager of Publishing Interests, Anti-Saloon League of America, 
General Secretary World League Against Alcoholism, Secre¬ 
tary and Chairman Executive Committee National Temper¬ 
ance Council. 

WAYNE B. WHEELER, LL.D., General Counsel Anti-Saloon 

League of America. 

FRANK B. EBBERT, General Counsel Pacific Coast Depart¬ 
ment Anti-Saloon League of America. 

BOYD P. DOTY, General Counsel New England Department 
Anti-Saloon League of America. 

OCT 26 iy<?!§)C|.A627716 









JA ^? ES - CA ™ON, Jr -» D.D., Bishop, and Chairman Com¬ 
mission on Temperance and Social Service of the Methodist 
Episcopal Church, South, Chairman Legislative Committee 
Anti-oaloon League of America. 

FREDERICK FOSDICK, Chairman National Executive Com- 
mittee Anti-Saloon. League of America. 


WILUAM E (PUSSYFOOT) JOHNSON, Special Representa¬ 
ble Abroad of the Anti-Saloon League of America, Former 
Official Representative of the United States Government in 
Charge of Prohibition Enforcement among the Indians. 


CAPT. RICHMOND P. HOBSON, First Congressional Sponsor 
°r < 5* successful Prohibition Amendment Movement, Author 
of Alcohol and the Human Race.” 


COL. DAN MORGAN SMITH, National Prohibition Lecturer for 
the Anti-Saloon League, once General Counsel for Na¬ 
tional Model License League. 


MRS. ELLA A. BOOLE, Ph.D., State President Woman’s 
Christian Temperance Union of New York, Chairman Com¬ 
mittee on Temperance and Law Enforcement, New York 
State Federation of Women’s Clubs, Prohibition Party nomi¬ 
nee for United States Senator from New York. 


BEN D. WRIGHT, Past Chief Templar, Grand Lodge of the 
United States, International Order of Good Templars. 

FATHER GEORGE ZURCHER, President Catholic Clergy Pro¬ 
hibition League and Editor and Publisher for 12 years of 
“Catholics and Prohibition.” 


NOLAN RICE BEST, Editor “The Continent” (Presbyterian), 
New York, Philadelphia, Chicago. 

CHARLES E. GUTHRIE, D.D., General Secretary Epworth 
League of the Methodist Episcopal Church. 

DANIEL A. POLING, LL.D., Associate President, United So¬ 
ciety of Christian Endeavor and World Christian Endeavor 
Union. 

CLARENCE TRUE WILSON, D.D., General Secretary Board 
of Temperance, Prohibition and Public Morals of the 
Methodist Episcopal Church. 

J. FOSTER WILCOX, D.D., Director of the Baptist Brother¬ 
hood Federation. 

A. J. BARTON, D.D., Pastor Calvary Baptist Church, Alex¬ 
andria, La., Chairman Committee on Social Service Southern 
Baptist Convention. 

DAVID JAMES BURRELL, D.D., LL.D., Pastor Marble Col¬ 
legiate Church, New York City, State President Anti-Saloon 
League of New York. 

ROY B. GUILD, D.D., Executive Secretary Commission on 
Councils of Churches of the Federal Council of Churches of 
Christ in America. 

FRANK L. BROWN, LL.D., General Secretary World’s Sunday 
School Association. 

STEPHEN S. WISE, Ph.D., Rabbi Free Synagogue, N. Y. City. 

MRS. RICHARD M. CHAPMAN, President New York City 
Federation of Women’s Clubs. 


GRATEFUL ACKNOWLEDGMENT 

for criticism and suggestion in connection with the manuscript 
or proofs of this manual is made to all of the above-named 
group which includes not only technical experts on enforcement 
but other civic and moral leaders with the detached point of 
view, and also particularly to ROLLIN O. EVERHART, Editor 
of the New York Edition of the “American Issue” for ardi ous 
and especially valuable assistance in matters of arrangement 
and textual criticism, and to the other department heads and 
district superintendents composing 

THE EXECUTIVE STAFF OF THE ANTI- 
SALOON LEAGUE OF NEW YORK— 

that group of consecrated practical experts who have not only 
labored, some of them intensively, to perfect this manual, but who 
helped to accomplish things such as ratification by New York 
which were generally pronounced “impossible” and whose fidelity, 
efficiency and capacity for team work in the pioneering efforts 
necessary to prove the soundness and practicability in opera¬ 
tion of the principles of organization herein set out have lifted 
this document above the level of the merely theoretical, and to 

MY WIFE— . 

keen, frank and wise adviser, both inspiration and stay 
throughout the more than twenty years of experience con¬ 
densed into these pages, and whose insistence that I had 
a local civic obligation beyond the duties incident to my 
official connection with general prohibition efforts was a 
chief factor in moving me to begin the work in my own 
community which developed into the “Yonkers Plan.” 

THE AUTHOR. 


3 



Table of Contents 

Page 

Chapter i. —Some “Plan” Essentials to be Read 


First . 5 

Chapter 2.—Starting and Pushing the “Yonkers 
Plan”,—( i) What to Do,—When,— 
and How . 15. 

Chapter 3.—Starting and Pushing the “Yonkers 
Plan”,—(2) What Not to Do,—and 
Why . 37 


Chapter 4 .— Community Organization for Other 
Phases of Enforcement.—“The Al¬ 
lied Citizens of America, Inc.”. 47 

Chapters.— The Dependence of Community En¬ 
forcement Upon State and National 
Prohibition Activity . 81 

Appendix 


What an Individual Citizen Can Do. 90 

Letters from Two “Yonkers Plan” Contributors 93 
Index . 95 


SENT OUT WITH A PRAYER 

This manual, written with helpful suggestion from 
the outstanding experts of America on the question 
of prohibition enforcement, makes no pretense of 
being a contribution to literature. It is designed as 
a combined weapon and implement to be used by all 
law-abiding citizens of a community in that wide¬ 
spread offensive defense against criminal traffickers 
in liquor which is immediately necessary throughout 
the land if National Prohibition is not to be discred¬ 
ited before it has had a fair chance. 

The launching of the “ALLIED CITIZENS OF 
AMERICA, Inc.” nearly three years ago and of the 
“YONKERS PLAN” over a year ago, were not mat¬ 
ters of official drudgery, but personal labors of 
love, prompted by a desire to help advance the 
Kingdom of God. This prohibition enforcement 
manual, offering the “YONKERS PLAN” program 
and the “ALLIED CITIZENS” basis of civic organ¬ 
ization to all who will take and use them, is sent 
out with the prayer that every person who under¬ 
takes to do so for the benefit of his own com¬ 
munity may be as conscious of Divine leading and 
blessing as the writer has been throughout the 
service which has made the tender of them possible. 

WILLIAM H. ANDERSON. 

Yonkers, New York, October 15, 1921. 

4 









Chapter 1 


SOME “PLAN” ESSENTIALS TO BE 
READ FIRST 


A WARNING TO THE AMERICAN PEOPLE FROM 
THE JUDGES OF THE LAND 

“The Judicial Section of the American Bar Association, 
venturing to speak for all the judges, wishes to express 
this warning to the American people: Reverence for law 
and enforcement of law depend mainly upon the ideals 
and customs of those who occupy the vantage ground 
of life in business and society. The people of the United 
States, by solemn constitutional and statutory enact¬ 
ment, have undertaken to suppress the age-long evil of 
the liquor traffic. When, for the gratification of their 
appetites, or the promotion of their interests, lawyers, 
bankers, great merchants and manufacturers, and social 
leaders, both men and women, disobey and scoff at this 
law, or any other law, they are aiding the cause of 
anarchy and promoting mob violence, robbery and homi¬ 
cide: they are sowing dragon’s teeth, and they need not 
be surprised when they find that no judicial or police 
authority can save our country or humanity from reap¬ 
ing the harvest.” 

Unanimously adopted by the Judicial Section (com¬ 
posed only of Judges) of the American Bar Association 
at the Annual Convention at Cincinnati, August 31 , 1921 . 


“Let reverence for the law * * * become the politi¬ 
cal religion of the Nation.”—Abraham Lincoln. 

WHOM IT CONCERNS AND WHEN IT IS TO BE USED 

This manual is no attempt to dictate the charac¬ 
ter of any community’s enforcement activity. It is 
an endeavor to give full instructions for starting 
and operating two proved, seasoned, effective agen¬ 
cies for getting results—the “YONKERS PLAN” 
and the “ALLIED CITIZENS OF AMERICA, Inc.” 
—if, and when, they are once adopted. 

If there is any community which does not need 
what the manual offers, that is its good fortune. 
Where a community in fact does need it but its 
leadership lacks the vision to realize the necessity 
for anything so deep-rooted or far-reaching, that is 
its misfortune,—but not a subject of debate in this 
manual. To keep citizens and communities from be¬ 
ing misled or making mistakes in deciding whether 
either or both shall be adopted, two governing and 
fundamentally qualifying propositions are laid down : 

(1) The “YONKERS PLAN” is a method to be 
resorted to when (in the judgment of the particular 
community) the regular officials corruptly refuse 
or wilfully neglect to enforce the prohibition law 
despite previous offers of co-operation and friendly 
warnings from the friends of law, or after other 
plans have broken down and other remedies have 
failed. IT BEGINS WHERE OTHER EFFORTS 
STOP. Recognizing the need of protecting the 
honest, capable official, and believing that most 
officials are not only willing but really PREFER to 
do their duty and stand with the decent, law- 
abiding element if they believe it is politically safe 
to do so, the “PLAN’S concentration of publicity 

5 




upon bad, derelict or indifferent officials is de¬ 
signed primarily to develop a sound, active public 
sentiment for law and order. 

The above presupposes that the “ALLIED CITI¬ 
ZENS", or its equivalent, or the local branch of 
whatever working system of organization is ap¬ 
proved by the Anti-Saloon League in any State, or 
some local organization or a number of influential 
citizens—NOT AS PART of the “YONKERS PLAN" 
but as PRELIMINARY to it,—have made a sincere, 
earnest effort to co-operate with the officials and 
have encouraged them to do their duty respecting 
enforcement, warning them, when necessary, to give 
them a chance to accomplish satisfactory results or 
show the public good reason why they cannot. Gen¬ 
eral principles and specific suggestions for such 
effort are found in detail in Chapter 4. 

(2) The “ALLIED CITIZENS OF AMERICA”— 
or its “CITIZENS ALLIANCE" equivalent explained 
herein—which it has cost the Anti-Saloon League 
of New York more than three years of time and 
much more than $100,000 in money to develop into 
a demonstrated success in the most difficult field in 
America, is offered only to the communities that 
need it either because they have no organization or 
because those they have tried have broken down or 
fallen short. Its management explicitly disclaims 
either intent or wish to have it used in any effort 
to displace or compete with any adequate working 
plan of organization already in use in any com¬ 
munity, or any plan which any community thinks 
it wants regardless of whether it really works or 
is adequate, or any working plan recommended by 
any State Anti-Saloon League to communities with¬ 
in its borders, for the simple reason that even a 
perfect plan would not work in a community that 
does not want it. 

THE “YONKERS PLAN” DEFINED 

The old, common procedure in volunteer prohibi¬ 
tion law enforcement effort has been for a group 
or local organization, through detectives, at private 
expense, to obtain evidence of violation of law. 
This evidence would then be turned over, as a basis 
for prosecution, to officials who might and often 
did suppress the fact of the violation as well as 
of>their failure to do their duty. This procedure 
amounted to an attempt to assume the respoifsibil- 
ity and do the work of the officials, besides being 
equivalent to a demand that the officials take action 
which would tend to discredit themselves. Failure 
was inevitable, for the obvious reason that such a 
volunteer movement with neither official power nor 
legal standing, had to encounter not only the open 
opposition of law violators, but usually also the 
secret hostility of the enforcement officials, who, 
somewhere between the gathering of the evidence 
and the verdict of the jury or final decision of the 
court, could encompass the defeat of justice. 

The “YONKERS PLAN" is to find out how the 
prohibition law is being enforced in a community 
and then to tell the public so that a sentiment may 
be aroused which will make officials enforce the 
law as they are paid from tax funds to do. It does 
not touch the selection or election of any public 
official. Its object, in its own phrase, is to “BACK 
UP good officials—JACK UP the others." Its own 
basic proposition is: “PUBLICITY IS THE ONLY 
SURE-ACTING POLITICAL PROPHYLACTIC” 


CHOICE IS FREE BUT MISTAKES ARE EXPENSIVE 

If, prior to the inauguration of the “YONKERS 
PLAN” and provided such procedure is not called 
the “YONKERS PLAN'’, a community’s desire to 
co-operate with the officials goes so far as to employ 
a detective or detectives to get information about 
local conditions and give the officials the names and 
locations of violators so that such officials may the 
better discharge their official responsibility to secure 
sufficient evidence against the persons indicated to 
bring about their conviction, that is a matter the 
community must decide for itself. Care, however, 
must be taken by the community workers not to fly 
in the face of all experience and make the fatal 
blunder of assuming the burden of furnishing any 
evidence as a basis for court action, thus undertak¬ 
ing to insure a conviction even in spite of possible 
official obstruction or treachery. To do that would 
be in effect to guarantee, without the possibility of 
positive knowledge or the certainty of protection, 
both the honesty and efficiency of the officials all 
the way down the line. 

Such method of aid. even if the special and funda¬ 
mental danger just indicated is avoided, may require 
the fruitless expenditure of considerable money, 
and the loss of much time. If the officials there¬ 
upon pretend to get busy and succeed in deceiving 
the community or a considerable part of it, for ex¬ 
ample by making a brave show of punishing petty 
offenders while the big ones who pay for protection 
are allowed to run as long as they keep under cover, 
the failure to secure results within a reasonable 
time may discourage some of the natural support¬ 
ers of- enforcement. It may make it necessary 
to start over again with a new set of officials about 
the time the old ones are finally pushed into real ef¬ 
fort, meanwhile sacrificing the chance to create and 
crystallize a public sentiment that will compel ac¬ 
tion from every set of officials. 

But if, with eyes open to the possible cost in these 
directions, a community thinks that adherence to its 
idea of fairness to officials is worth such a price, 
then the sooner it has what it wants the sooner it 
will want what it needs. 

WHY IT IS NEEDED—SELF-GOVERNMENT ON TRIAL 

The issue before the American Republic is not 
merely whether the sale of alcoholic beverages shall 
be prohibited, but whether a democracy can make 
good on its moral convictions. 

Before national prohibition was enacted, failure 
to win a particular contest merely delayed the bene¬ 
fits of prohibition. Now that it is the law of the 
land, failure to enforce it not only forfeits its bene¬ 
fits but lessens respect for all law and fosters anar¬ 
chy. Any such failure will also discount the sincer¬ 
ity of the electorate in its enactment—especially the 
membership of the churches that most zealously 
promoted it. 

The question is whether self-government can run 
only down hill. It has never been any trouble for 
republics to grow big or get rich; their difficulty 
has been to stay clean. The present effort for pro¬ 
hibition enforcement will answer the question, for 
the hope of the World and the life of America, 
whether a democracy can develop civic courage and 
efficiency commensurate with the collective con¬ 
science of its citizenship. Good citizens cannot af¬ 
ford to permit America to fail in her supreme effort 
of moral self-restraint. 

It is not enough, in an isolated instance, under 
7 


special circumstances, for some citizens of unusual 
initiative and courage to be able to secure some tem¬ 
porary, proper relief on a particular issue of law en¬ 
forcement, independent of the agencies of govern¬ 
ment and in spite of public officials. No American 
can afford to be satisfied until every citizen, any¬ 
where, can enjoy the benefits accruing from the en¬ 
forcement of all laws in the established manner, 
through the willing, efficient activity of the proper 
officials. 

NOT A PLEA BUT A MANUAL 

This is not a homily on the need for enforce¬ 
ment nor an argument that law should be observed 
and upheld. It is assumed that patriotic citizens 
believe every law should be enforced until repealed 
in the proper way. This is a textbook and working 
manual not only for those who want a fair test of 
prohibition under honest enforcement, but also for 
all who recognize the need of upholding every law 
because in a free government the law officially rep¬ 
resents the sovereign will of the people,—and who 
want to know how to aid in attaining that end. 

It is written for the average conscientious citi¬ 
zen. Even the man or woman who shrinks from the 
responsibility or prominence of leadership is here 
told how to arouse and enlist leaders on this issue. 
Careful study of it will enable any earnest citizen 
to discharge to the full his or her responsibility 
toward the creation of a working public sentiment, 
though he or she be without experience in law en¬ 
forcement or any other-phase of community work. 

No attempt has been made to cover the question 
of state and national enforcement legislation except 
so far as the enforcement of an imperfect law is the 
best way to obtain its improvement, and the 
enforcement of a good law is the best way 
to protect and retain it. For example, the 
enforcement, anywhere else in the world, of lim¬ 
ited or local prohibition is the best way to hasten 
complete prohibition, while the use of the essen¬ 
tials of the “YONKERS PLAN” to expose the fail¬ 
ure of the enforcement of “regulation” will hasten 
the opportunity for prohibition in the smaller units 
under local option, which is a stepping stone to gen¬ 
eral prohibition. 

No effort has been made, either, to cover the gen¬ 
eral field of political reform except as compelling 
officials to make good on one vital issue of combined 
patriotism and morality, such as enforcement, is the 
surest, quickest way to permanently cleaner poli¬ 
tics and better government. 

SHOULD BE WIDELY READ 

While this prohibition enforcement manual should 
be STUDIED by those who expect to LEAD the en¬ 
forcement work of their particular communities, it 
should be READ not merely by leaders but by all 
whose moral and financial support is desired. En¬ 
forcement results will be in proportion both to en¬ 
lightened public sentiment and the public’s under¬ 
standing of the principles underlying successful en¬ 
forcement. The persons whose support is most 
wanted will not endorse this “PLAN” unless they 
know enough about it to form an intelligent judg¬ 
ment. The Committee carrying on the “YONKERS 
PLAN” will not be sure of full public support in 
holding fast to the “PLAN” against efforts made to 
get them to deviate from it unless there is wide 
public acquaintance with the reasons set out in this 
enforcement manual why certain things should be 
done and certain other things not done. Those 

8 


who have read the manual will know why. “Econ¬ 
omy” in disseminating truth necessary to liberate 
one’s community from the tyranny of lawlessness 
is as foolish as “saving” seed necessary to give a 
normal crop. 

OFFERED WITHOUT STRINGS 

One need not be a supporter of the Anti-Saloon 
League to use the “PLAN.” It can be operated any¬ 
where if pushed according to instructions by an ad¬ 
equate committee of interested citizens. It is pre¬ 
sented on its merits, utterly independent of the 
Anti-Saloon League, except in so far as the League 
in any State may adopt it as a program or the peo¬ 
ple of given communities may choose to avail them¬ 
selves of the League’s aid in starting and working it. 
Every community, however, has a right to know 
how it can be helped by other communities through 
both the Anti-Saloon- League and the general sys¬ 
tem of related local organizations here explained. 
Conclusive proof of the unselfishness and disinter¬ 
estedness of these proposals is found in the fact that 
nobody can make any financial profit out of them. 
It costs nothing to become an active member of the 
“ALLIED CITIZENS,” and it is not necessary for 
any community to pay anything to any person or 
organization in order to make local use of the 
“YONKERS PLAN” or of the “ALLIED CITIZENS” 
system of organization. 

THERE IS NO “PECULIAR COMMUNITY” 

Prohibition was submitted by the representatives 
of the Nation as a whole. It was ratified by the 
representatives of the States as States. But it must 
be enforced by each community for itself. 

Human nature and the causes of non-enforcement 
are the same everywhere. The right way to secure 
enforcement in one place is, in essentials, the right 
way in every place. But because certain public 
officers, such as county officials, are elected by many 
communities jointly, therefore back of proper meth¬ 
ods there must be a general system of local organi¬ 
zation and a group of related, actually working or¬ 
ganizations to carry proper methods into effect. 
This manual explains such a system of organizations 
and outlines a proper practical program for their 
adoption. 

NOT TO DO POLICE WORK 

Private citizens are not called to make a business 
of hunting down law breakers. But it is their duty 
to know whether law breakers are hunted down. 
Publicity, the deadliest destroyer of conditions that 
make for political corruption, is the best political 
disinfectant and cleanser in the government of a 
free people. This treatise tells how to use that 
cleanser upon the responsible public officials and, 
if they still fail, upon the voters responsible for 
electing them to, and retaining them, in, office. 

BOTH ARE ESSENTIAL 

A plan which does not develop BOTH sentiment 
for enforcement of, as well as obedience to, law, 
and also organization to carry that sentiment into 
effect, will fail. Organization without sentiment is 
as dead as an electric motor without electric cur¬ 
rent. Sentiment without organization is as futile 
as lightning, and may be as dangerous. 

SAFEGUARDS FOR MAN WHO HELPS 

Intelligent, influential citizens who because of 
civic spirit or moral conviction have been caught in 

9 


foolish enforcement efforts or have become skepti¬ 
cal from watching such attempts, are wisely unwilling 
to gamble on the possibility of a local movement 
being able to evolve a sane, workable plan. Every 
such person will recognize at once that this “PLAN” 
is fundamentally sound; and that a manual giving 
definite detailed directions as to its inauguration 
and operation will be his protection. It will give 
him the right to insist that the work be carried on 
according to the provisions here set out, and thus 
insure that his contribution will be used for the 
purpose and in the manner he intended. 

IT DOES THE JOB 

The “YONKERS PLAN” is not offered as a theo¬ 
retical basis for an experiment. This manual has 
been delayed until it could report results. The 
“PLAN” has been tried in a city of 100,000 people, 
abutting against the New York City boundary line,— 
“next to the largest city in the world.” This city 
contains all possible city problems in an intensified 
form, including a preponderance of factory workers 
of foreign birth or extraction who do not compre¬ 
hend the American ideals and standards of life 
that led to prohibition. The complexity of its sit¬ 
uation is increased by an army of New York City 
commuters who do little more than sleep in Yon¬ 
kers and are largely indifferent to local conditions 
but have been largely prejudiced against prohibi¬ 
tion and enforcement through reading wet New 
York City newspapers. 

Despite these obstacles the operation of the 
“PLAN” drove hostile officials to public recognition 
of their duty and responsibility. They dropped the 
pretense that prohibition enforcement is purely a 
Federal matter and made raids, arrests and seizures 
and expelled crooked policemen. Their efforts have 
resulted in indictments, convictions and the pro¬ 
gressive throttling of saloons. And the work is only 
well started. No private millennium is claimed for 
Yonkers. But there is movement, and in the right 
direction, and under its own steam. 

Examination of the court records of Westchester 
County, of which Yonkers is a part, showed four 
times as many liquor cases disposed of from Yon¬ 
kers in the first quarter of 1921 as in all four quar¬ 
ters of 1920 combined, and the same regular officials 
did the work. Improvement in sentiment and will¬ 
ingness to aid spread beyond Yonkers. Similar 
increases in official activity occurred in the rest of 
the county. 


GIVES PERMANENT RESULTS 

Making and focusing tangible majority sentiment 
for popular observance and official enforcement of 
the law is the whole object of the “PLAN.” Hence 
it works with ever increasing power toward a gen¬ 
uine, permanent cure. It is as fundamental as hu¬ 
man nature and majority rule. Wherever it has 
been applied, under whatever direction and what¬ 
ever it is named it has always worked. Under it any 
community which will pay the price in effort, sac¬ 
rifice and patience can be ABSOLUTELY CERTAIN 
of victory over liquor lawlessness no matter how 
clever, influential or unscrupulous the criminals. 
Power involves responsibility. Ability to compel en¬ 
forcement of law carries obligation to undertake it. 
Nothing else than the principles invoked has ever 
given lasting results. If it should fail anywhere 
that will not prove that the “PLAN” is wrong. An 
unhappy result will merely indicate that it has not 

10 


been worked properly or as long or as hard as 
necessary. 

SPECIAL ENFORCEMENT ACTIVITY IS NEEDED BECAUSE 

THE HARDEST PART OF THE PROHIBITION FIGHT 
IS YET TO COME 

The liquor traffic is neither dead nor sleeping. It 
is more awake, more intelligent (because more 
sober), more aggressive, better organized and more 
wisely advised than ever before in its history. It 
has discovered that an illicit traffic, with few Amer¬ 
icans engaged in it, not only discredits prohibition 
but, if connived at by officials, yields profits from 
which to pay the expense, indefinitely, of the fight 
to get back inside the protection of the law. Like 
an invading army it lives on the country and com¬ 
pels those it ravages to furnish ammunition to be 
used against themselves. More than twenty-five 
new liquor organizations, many of them under sup¬ 
posedly patriotic titles, have already been launched, 
appealing for membership to those whose growing 
thirst has overcome their past indifference to pro¬ 
hibition. Many wet city newspapers are more 
mendacious in their misrepresentation and distor¬ 
tion of facts in an effort to show either that pro¬ 
hibition is a failure, or that enforcement efforts 
are fanatical infringements of fundamental rights, 
than they were in their efforts to block the enact¬ 
ment of it originally. 

The indisputable benefits of even partial prohibi¬ 
tion have been howled down by nullification clamor 
till the unthinking begin to acquiesce and the tim¬ 
orous to yield. Fraud, lawless defiance, and offi¬ 
cial incompetence, indifference or venality have 
robbed the people of normal benefits of national 
prohibition in former wet centers for more than 
its first two years. Yet, despite this proof of need 
of further protection, the wets were able in a Con¬ 
gress elected overwhelmingly dry, to delay for 
more than half a year, fair, reasonable, supple¬ 
mental legislation essential to enforcement, by pres¬ 
sing, under the dishonest pretext of protecting the 
constitutional rights of private citizens, a vitiating 
amendment which would paralyze the enforcement 
arm of the Government. They openly avow their 
intention to fight as many years as necessary, first 
to nullify the Eighteenth Amendment under the 
guise of law by repealing or “liberalizing” Federal 
and State enforcement laws and ultimately to repeal 
the Amendment itself. They cannot repeal the 
Amendment—but it will be a dead letter without 
adequate enforcement laws, for it contains no pen¬ 
alty clause or provision for punishment. 

The person who, in the face of the inescapable 
facts thus briefly summarized, still insists that “the 
fight is over,” “prohibition is here to stay,” “the 
situation will cure itself” and “the virus of lawless¬ 
ness will run out if let alone,” if not a secret enemy 
or wilful shirker, is a victim of civic and moral 
sleeping sickness or auto-stupefaction. 

Friends of prohibition, advocates of law, and those 
who believe any policy adopted by the American 
people is not only entitled to a fair test but must 
have it to prevent failure of the American system, 
are squarely challenged to fight or quit. Only the 
first phase of the prohibition fight is won. The 
second will be harder. How long it will last will 
depend upon the earnestness and thoroughness of 
enforcement. The only thing that will save the 
day is something that combines initial punch with 
staying power—an enforcement program that is a 
mixture of militancy and education—only this will 

11 


prevent the break-down of local, state and national 
government in wet centers and the spread of that 
breakdown elsewhere. 

LEGALIZATION OF BEER MEANS RETURN OF SALOON 

The liquor interests are fighting for permission 
to sell “light” beer as the entering wedge in their 
return from outlawry. They pretend to concede 
that the saloon is gone forever and claim to seek 
oniy the right to sell beer and wine for family con¬ 
sumption under “rigid restrictions.” The failure of 
“restrictions” to restrict the liquor traffic is the 
main reason why prohibition was adopted by a 
nation which had found out that prohibition pro¬ 
hibits far better than “regulation” regulates. More 
than 90% of the alcoholic liquor sold in America 
under license was beer. Therefore the legalization 
of beer would automatically destroy more than 
90% of American prohibition besides affording a 
legalized cover for the sale of stronger liquor. 

Despite brewery claims that beer is a temperance 
drink, it has been scientifically and conclusively 
proved that even 2^4% beer is intoxicating to one 
not addicted to alcohol through the use of some¬ 
thing stronger and therefore is prohibited by the 
18th Amendment. If 2^4% beer is permitted, as a 
practical matter it will be utterly impossible to en¬ 
force prohibition effectively against the stronger 
beer which will intoxicate even those who have the 
habit. The brewery, though on American soil, was 
un-American in spirit. Its record of ruthless bru¬ 
tality and corruption, and of shameless violation of 
every “restriction” imposed under license and “reg¬ 
ulation” proves it a hopeless outlaw. 

If beer is allowed to come back, the return of the 
saloon in some form, whatever it may be called, as 
a place to sell it IS INEVITABLE. The beer flank 
attack is supported not only by the thirsty but 
also by many well-meaning, intelligent people who 
are being deceived into support of beer nullification 
of the Constitution by the shrew'd liquor suggestion: 
“The saloon ought to have been banished but the 
sale of beer should be permitted.” Only increasingly 
effective enforcement will avert this grave danger— 
a danger which will continue until the public has a 
chance to learn that the prohibition even of beer 
is necessary. 


THE NEXT FIVE YEARS 

With all this in view, this manual is based on 
recognition of the fact that though it may take at 
least 20 years to clinch prohibition by so educating 
the public in its benefits as to secure general per¬ 
manent and willing acceptance of it, yet if there is 
reasonable enforcement for five years ultimate vic¬ 
tory is certain. Whether the outlaw traffic shall be 
so curbed during the next five years that the essen¬ 
tial future educational work can be done under 
reasonably favorable conditions, depends upon ade¬ 
quate organization and activity—and both imme¬ 
diately. 

This involves not merely the retention of the or¬ 
ganization which secured prohibition but its rapid 
and material extension to meet the new educational 
demands and increased tasks, as even the next five 
years will not bring assurance of abiding victory 
unless there is abundant provision to continue the 
fight so long as need be. 

The “YONKERS PLAN” is inaugurated as a five 
year enforcement program. In carrying it out for 


12 


five years the people will have learned enough about 
how to secure results from their local governmental 
system to enable them both to continue prohibition 
enforcement activity as much longer as may be 
necessary^ and also to apply to every other local 
problem the principles of lawful, constructive, direct 
public action used in working this "‘PLAN.” 

CURE INSTEAD OF QUACKERY 

It requires far less skill and merit to be a quack 
than to be a doctor. But the quack delays a cure 
and may do harm that will make cure impossible. 
There is no method of community purging that 
works while the people sleep, nor is there any 
patent nostrum that can be poured in from outside 
which will obviate the necessity of complying with 
the conditions of community health. Any individ¬ 
ual or organization that offers to come in from the 
outside and do for the people of a community the 
things which are effective only when done by the 
people for themselves is a quack, trading on public 
credulity, ignorance and inertia for his or its own 
profit only. Nothing but the active dominance of 
the law-abiding people who live in a community, 
through intelligent, sustained, organized effort, will 
make and keep it a fit place to live in as respects 
enforcement of the law. It takes time, effort and 
skill to unite and train them to work out their own 
salvation in this way, but any remedy less funda¬ 
mental and comprehensive than the complete three¬ 
fold program of (1) enrollment, (2) ordinance, and 
(3) “YONKERS PLAN,” proposed in this manual 
(see page 76), will disappoint those who rely upon 
it. The “ALLIED CITIZENS” is offered knowing 
that whatever else may be tried first, resort must 
ultimately be had to the principles which it em¬ 
bodies. 

LOCAL ORGANIZATIONS DEFINED 

The “‘YONKERS PLAN’ Committee” is the com¬ 
mittee or special organization which supervises the 
financing and operation of the “YONKERS PLAN.” 
It may be the Law Enforcement Committee of the 
“ALLIED CITIZENS,” which committee in such 
case shoukl'-have no other function than to finance 
and supervise the operation of the “PLAN.” 

The “ALLIED CITIZENS OF AMERICA, Incor¬ 
porated to Uphold American Ideals and the United 
States Constitution,” which may be spoken of as 
the “ALLIED CITIZENS OF AMERICA, Inc.” or 
the “ALLIED CITIZENS OF AMERICA,” or simply 
the “ALLIED CITIZENS,” is a general system of 
local organization. When used in this^manual this 
name, unless expressly restricted to the general or¬ 
ganization or officers, means one of the related local 
organizations in which citizens are united, without 
regard to creed or party and without financial mem¬ 
bership obligation, for the purpose of creating a 
“YONKERS PLAN” Committee and pushing its 
work, and to take care of other phases of enforce¬ 
ment work outside of the “YONKERS PLAN.” 

A “CITIZENS’ ALLIANCE” is a local organiza¬ 
tion for similar purposes which is based upon and 
modeled after the “ALLIED CITIZENS,” but which 
has not received authority to use the name “ALLIED 
CITIZENS OF AMERICA, Inc.” 

SEVERAL MANUALS IN ONE—TAKE WHAT YOU WANT 

Some difficulty, objection or danger actually en¬ 
countered in practical operation is responsible for 
everything included in this manual. It is believed 
that it will best serve every interest to put every- 

13 


thing that may be needed or usetul in any ol the 
various communities where prohibition enforcement 
is an issue, into a single publication so arranged 
that the person who does not want it all can easily 
find what he wants, with a suggestion of its rela¬ 
tion to other points which may be looked into if 
and as desired. 

The person who seeks only the “YONKERS 
PLAN’' will find it as distinct and separate in the 
first three chapters as though this material were 
in a separate publication. See note 4 A Supplemental 
Pamphlet,” at the bottom of this page. 

The person who is particularly interested in a 
comprehensive system of local organization will 
find it set out in Chapter 4, as distinctly, notwith¬ 
standing the inter-relation, as though it were an 
independent manual. 

And Chapter 5 (about the Anti-Saloon League) 
and “What an Individual Can Do” in the Appendix, 
are as self-contained as though issued separately. 

By this plan, no matter which portion is primarily 
sought, the other related material, no part of which 
would have been included if it had not been consid¬ 
ered essential to full understanding and the most 
effective use of every other part, is thus available 
for reference, or when needed, in the cheapest and 
most convenient form possible. 

PROHIBITION ENFORCEMENT THE KEY TO LAW 
AND ORDER GENERALLY 


Lack of respect for law is America’s greatest pres¬ 
ent menace. The underlying moral factor in the 
prohibition law offers a unique opportunity to enlist 
organized moral constituencies and arouse militant 
moral conviction in behalf of law and order to a 
degree impossible on any other basis. In the strug¬ 
gle to vindicate this particular law, it will be neces¬ 
sary to teach the public so much of the fundamen¬ 
tals as to the need of upholding all law that when 
the prohibition enforcement fight is won it will be 
found that the thought and action of the whole 
Nation have been lifted to a higher plane as respects 
the sanctity of law generally. 


NOTE:—A SUPPLEMENTAL PAMPHLET 
“WHAT WAS SAID AND DONE IN YONKERS” 

A supplemental pamphlet which contains, with comment, the 
lull text of most of the statements given to the public in 
Yonkers, has been prepared for the use of those who, while they 
may not wish to copy any of it verbatim, desire to read the 
exact language actually used by some responsible person in 
dealing with conditions and officials in a given locality. 

It was not expedient to increase the size of this manual 
which is to be read by the citizens generally in each commu¬ 
nity. It is complete in itself and contains everything needed 
for its purpose. Neither was it wise to displace anything of 
general suggestion in order to insert material which, however 
interesting, is actually NEEDED mainly by leaders and com¬ 
mittees responsible for carrying out the “PLAN.” Because of 
its limited circulation the supplemental pamphlet is necessarily 
more expensive in proportion to its size than this manual. 

WHERE IT IS REQUESTED, one complimentary copy of the 
special pamphlet, “WHAT WAS SAID AND DONE IN 
YONKERS,” for the use of the Secretary or members of the 
“YONKERS PLAN” Committee, will be included with each 100 
copies of the manual ordered for community use. Others who 
wish it can secure it by itself for 20 cents a single copy post¬ 
paid, or 15 cents a copy for 10 or more, postpaid, or 12 cents a 
copy in lots of 50 or more, carriage not paid, cash to accom¬ 
pany order in every case, from William H. Andersen, 16th 
Floor, 906 Broadway, New York City, 


14 



Chapter 2 


STARTING AND PUSHING THE 
“YONKERS PLAN” 

(1) WHAT TO DO, WHEN, AND HOW 

NOTE: It will not be safe to attempt to carry out any of 
the specific suggestions of this chapter without having read 
the governing qualifications contained in the first few para¬ 
graphs of Chapter 1 as to the conditions under which this 
“PLAN” is recommended. 

TWO FACTORS ARE INDISPENSABLE 

There can be no permanent enforcement of law 
except through the regular channels of local self- 
government by the officials charged by law with 
enforcement responsibility. 

To attain this, two factors are indispensable: 
(1) The support of enforcement by a majority of 
the active contributors to local public sentiment; 
and (2) continuous public knowledge of the exact 
facts as to the degree of local enforcement, so that 
sentiment may operate intelligently. 

If a small group of persons, or even one person, 
will work the suggestions which follow, they or he 
can compel the ultimate development of adequate 
sentiment in any community. But there is needed 
both vision and common sense, and the courage and 
firmness to hold to essentials despite the advice, 
objection or importunity of the well-meaning who 
think loosely and are blind to experience, or those 
who have political, financial or personal ends to 
serve. Unless ready to see it through in this way 
it is better not to start. 

WHAT IT TAKES TO WIN 

To insure the largest measure of success there is 
needed ability to see prohibition as salvation from 
the worst physical and moral tyranny that ever 
cursed humanity; sympathy broad enough to feel 
the blight of those women and children and en¬ 
slaved men who, through nullification, are robbed of 
the benefits of prohibition; patriotism enough to 
realize that any disregard of law is a menace to the 
Nation; faith that right will triumph if the human 
element does its part. 

There must be a sense of the primary obligation 
of citizens to obey and uphold law. There must be 
the stability to keep at it; the self-sacrifice which 
invests time freely, and money according to ability 
and need, even more than one’s fair share. There 
is needed that open-eyed resolution which leads one 
to expect, but not be unnerved by, the tardiness 
of public response; the patience which recognizes 
that though a year may be agonizingly long to one 
who wants immediate relief, it is, after all, very 
short when measured by the magnitude of the 
task and the inevitable sloth of human progress. 

There must be enough reasonableness and sense 
of proportion to comprehend that complete cure 
cannot be achieved at once; that delay and difficulty 
compel that wisdom and thoroughness which are 
the guarantees of ultimate permanence; that undue 

15 


emphasis upon minor matters delays solution of 
important issues; and that even moderate, lasting 
improvement, after an appreciable period of sus¬ 
tained effort, is genuine success and calls for re¬ 
newed consecration and further endeavor. 

There must also be appreciation of the fact that 
though organization enables effective use of exist¬ 
ing sentiment, organization does not of itself 
create sentiment. Sentiment is made by bringing 
people face-to-face with facts. 

WHO CAN START IT—AND HOW? 

The greatest efficiency will be secured in any lo¬ 
cality if, on a showing of sufficient local interest, 
the Anti-Saloon League of the State will suggest 
and promote the “YONKERS PLAN” through the 
local branch of the system pf local organization 
approved by the State League, or will encourage 
the starting of such a local organization to launch 
and carry out the “PLAN.” 

With such help, or, locally, through an organiza¬ 
tion such as the “ALLIED CITIZENS OF AMERI¬ 
CA” fully explained in Chapter 4, any group of 
earnest, responsible people who will invest a little 
money and a great deal of effort can make the 
“YONKERS PLAN” work. If necessary it can even 
be done without one of the so-called “leading” men 
of the community. Such a group can carry it 
through to success if they comply with the condi¬ 
tions, and run it on a public basis and not as their 
private asset or plaything. 

The “ALLIED CITIZENS OF AMERICA” itself, 
where already organized, or any equivalent organ¬ 
ization, can use the “YONKERS PLAN” as its 
specific enforcement program. Or a local “Division” 
of the “ALLIED CITIZENS” may be started on 
local initiative to inaugurate and push the “PLAN.” 
In the long run, promotion by a local organization 
which will also cover the things not included in 
the “PLAN,” but which are essential, will prove 
wiser than an attempt to launch the “PLAN” with¬ 
out provision to take care of the other aspects of 
the problem of local enforcement. Therefore, we 
shall consider the question of initiative as applied to 
either the “ALLIED CITIZENS” or the “PLAN,” or 
to one for the definite purpose of starting the other. 

A FEW OR ONE CAN BEGIN 

A group of pastors can initiate it, or ask a few 
men and women from the churches to do so. This 
method will work to advantage only where the pas¬ 
tors work together. It would not be wise for one 
pastor or a clique of pastors to try it in the excep¬ 
tional case where there is any serious lack of work¬ 
ing church co-operation. 

If effort for concerted action fails to succeed, then, 
even ONE church in a community can compel every 
church eventually to get into line provided it 
undertakes, not itself to enforce the law against the 
officials and the seeming sentiment of the commu¬ 
nity, but merely to discharge its full responsibility 
toward securing and continuously exposing the facts 
and demanding honest, efficient, official action. 

Even ONE PERSON in one church, either the 
pastor or a lay member, with the right spirit—not 
hate of law violators but love for their victims— 
can, if he or she gets the vision and has a consum¬ 
ing sense of responsibility and an unquenchable de¬ 
sire for the enforcement of prohibition, stimulate 
his or her own church to act, and through it eventu¬ 
ally marshal the community. 

16 


THIS MANUAL THE LEVER 

The one person in a single church need not nec¬ 
essarily be a recognized leader in the business, 
civic, social or religious life of the community, or 
even a public speaker. The most modest and retir¬ 
ing individual can set in motion such a miracle by 
even so quiet and unostentatious a beginning as the 
securing of 100 or 200 copies of this prohibition 
enforcement manual, or more as may be required, 
and putting one into the hands of the pastor and 
of every substantial man and woman in the church, 
accompanying each copy with a personal word re¬ 
specting unescapable obligation to do everything 
possible to uphold the law, and a statement that this 
book shows the way. It is important that a prom¬ 
ise to read the manual through carefully be ob¬ 
tained. Those who promise should later be con¬ 
fronted with the courteous but frank and inexor¬ 
able question: “Will you help start and support 
this sort of work in this community?” 

When sufficient interest lias been aroused and 
enough citizens are pledged to insure a respectable 
beginning, a meeting of the congregation should be 
called and carefully worked up to insure a repre¬ 
sentative attendance, for the adoption of proper 
resolutions and the securing of publicity which will 
inform the other churches. Committees from the 
initiating church can then take up the matter with 
the pastor and leading men and women of each of 
the other churches, until in each church a commit¬ 
tee is named to circulate this manual, among and 
canvass its own members in the same manner. In 
the meantime a like campaign of education as to 
the enforcement methods to be used should be 
spread outside of the co-operating churches to other 
citizens of the community, including all of the most 
prominent, influential members of those churches 
which, as churches, do not co-operate. By this time 
the situation will be ripe for formal organization. 

YOUNb PEOPLE’S SOCIETIES MAY AGITATE 

Enforcement according to this “PLAN” offers a 
peculiar opportunity to church young people’s so¬ 
cieties such as the Epworth League of the Metho¬ 
dist Churches, the Society of Christian Endeavor 
with its membership in churches of many denomina¬ 
tions, and the Baptist Young People’s Union, and 
also to the young men and women in the Sunday 
Schools of churches that have no young people’s 
society. Young people are practical and forthright 
in their mental reactions and the application of 
them. It is possible for a single young people’s 
society to move a whole community with the lever¬ 
age of the law and the fulcrum of this simple, work¬ 
able “PLAN,” worked with the dynamic power of 
vital religion. 

Any such society can solicit, earn or contribute 
the money for enough copies of this enforcement 
manual to give one copy, first, to one member in 
every family represented in the society, securing 
the promise that it will be read immediately and 
turned over, with the proper request about reading, 
to each other adult member of the family; and, 
second, to the head of every family in the church 
which is not represented in the young people’s so¬ 
ciety—following it up, and asking after the reading: 
“Will YOU help do this HERE?” 

A young people’s society blessed with peculiarly 
wise, mature officers might possibly even furnish 
ultimate leadership for a community both in the 

17 


inauguration and consummation of the “YONKERS 
PLAN/’ and a material part of the leadership in a 
local branch of the “ALLIED CITIZENS." 

In practically every case, however, a young 
people’s society will strengthen its position in its 
own church and in the community if it says: “We 
are not seeking leadership. for ourselves, but we 
wish something done and intend to push until some¬ 
body fully qualified assumes leadership. When our 
elders take hold we will gladly serve under them 
and distribute, manuals and other literature, help 
canvass the community, or do anything else we can. 
All we want is action." 

ENFORCEMENT THE PECULIAR OBLIGATION AND 

OPPORTUNITY OF THE YOUNG PEOPLE OF AMERICA 

The generation passing, and about to pass, put 
prohibition into the ' Constitution, where normal 
conscience and character, in action, can hold it for¬ 
ever. The next stage,—enforcement,—discharge of 
the obligation to hold the heritage won for them, 
protecting it from waste and destruction before the 
time of fullest development and possible enjoyment, 
is peculiarly up to the young people of America. 
Enforcement is also their opportunity to make their 
future safe. They could not escape the responsi¬ 
bility if they would, because at best it will take a 
generation to destroy the liquor traffic’s “will to 
come back,” and eliminate, naturally and therefore 
permanently, the alcohol taint responsible for the 
appetite which encourages the vicious and greedy 
to risk violating the law. If prohibition is enforced 
it is the children of today’s “young people’’ that will 
grow up safe from the menace of liquor blight: the 
moral and material gain will be THEIRS. The 
young people of this nation can settle their own 
liquor question most easily and most cheaply by 
throwing themselves now into the movement for 
enforcement, under the direction of the veterans of 
the Revolution Against King Alcohol, who will deem 
it a privilege to help train the leadership of the 
future. This will not be done unless, among the 
young people, the lead is taken by those in the 
churches who are organized to promote moral, civic 
and social programs which not only profess allegi¬ 
ance to Christ’s law of Love, but strike at the heart 
of specific evils which defy that law. 

WOMEN’S ORGANIZATIONS CAN TAKE THE INITIATIVE 

Women, greatest sufferers from the liquor traffic, 
largely denied the most effective participation in the 
long struggle to outlaw it, can clinch the victory 
so greatly due to their influence by full participa¬ 
tion in the work necessary to insure enforcement. 
Now that they have the vote on an equality with 
men, women’s organizations may well take the lead 
in a community movement to enlist the men also for 
law enforcement. A local Woman’s Christian Tem¬ 
perance Union, “Women’s Club” or “Federation of 
Clubs,” or a “League of Women Voters,” or its 
equivalent, or other women’s organization of civic 
character, may properly and profitably start the 
“YONKERS PLAN,” provided it is started as a 
citizens’ and not as a woman’s movement. It can 
also take steps to promote a local division of the 
“ALLIED CITIZENS,” which was the first civic 
organization of national scope to anticipate the full 
change of status and make provision for enrolling 
women with men on the single basis of CITIZEN¬ 
SHIP. 


18 


PICKING THE EXECUTIVE 

The personality, standing and qualifications of 
the individual or individuals or group who take the 
lead, once the work is set going, will determine the 
initial impact of the campaign and the carrying and 
convincing power of what is said during its progress. 

Even though a group starts the “PLAN,” in the 
last analysis some ONE person must become the 
executive representative and be responsible for 
initiative in many particulars, even though he 
counsels largely with his immediate associates. 

The best leader is the one who will best do the 
work. If that be a minister in a particular commu¬ 
nity, he should be chosen. Prominence, business 
connections, general community influence are all 
fine, but often have their hampering influences. 

It is better to have a person of no special promi¬ 
nence who will BECOME prominent by making 
good than to have some prominent individual of the 
“honorary pall-bearer” class who will fall down or 
lie down on the job. 

Put no one to the front who has wantonly at¬ 
tacked, or has been prominent in any movement 
that is notoriously fighting any church, racial group, 
or any reputable organized body of citizens which 
may reasonably be expected to stand for law en¬ 
forcement. 

If a lawyer has the real crusading spirit his legal 
knowledge will be a help. It he does not, it will only 
make him the more vexatious an obstructionist. 

Whether a man was originally for prohibition has 
nothing to do with the enforcement issue, and sin¬ 
cere support for enforcement should be sought and 
accepted wherever it can be found. For actual 
leadership, however, it would be unwise and unsafe 
to choose any person who was not for prohibition 
originally or who has not been thoroughly con¬ 
verted by its results. A man who has the other 
qualifications for leadership will instinctively recog¬ 
nize the impropriety of his accepting it unless he is 
in fact a believer in prohibition. Ordinarily a person 
who sets out to secure leadership in such an effort 
should be regarded with suspicion. 

But nobody should be made leader who has be¬ 
come publicly discounted as a crank, a joke or a 
bore. There are too many men and women of the 
highest type in favor of prohibition to have either 
prohibition or enforcement discredited by any can¬ 
tankerous individual, incapable of team work, whose 
SOLE qualification is the fact that he is and has 
been against the liquor traffic. 

STARTING THE ACTUAL OPERATION 

Assuming the existence of enough enforcement 
sentiment with which to start, and (1) that the pre¬ 
liminary community work suggested above has been 
done, a “YONKERS PLAN” Finance Committee 
named and money raised, or (2) at least a small 
central group of three or five who have read this 
manual, one or more of whom are able and willing 
to underwrite and advance when needed, or prefer¬ 
ably to contribute outright, several hundred dollars 
for initial expenses, then the one charged with exec¬ 
utive responsibilty should at once secure investiga¬ 
tors and begin operation. 

HIRING DETECTIVES 

Private detectives are necessary wherever de¬ 
pendable local parties are not willing (or able) to 
get evidence and willing to make affidavits. Only 
the criminal, the demagogue or the unthinking ob- 

19 


jects to the obtaining of proper information in a 
proper way. In nearly every state the Anti-Saloon 
League can recommend some agency which has been 
found reliable. But since even a reliable agency may 
be betrayed by its own operatives, the Anti-Saloon 
League makes clear that it assumes no responsibil¬ 
ity whatever except good faith in its recommenda¬ 
tion and the use of its good offices to secure justice 
between an agency and a community if adjustment 
becomes necessary. The LOCAL organization or 
“YONKERS PLAN” Committee which employs the 
detectives must protect itself by seeing that they 
do their work and that they have turned over their 
evidence, if any, before paying them. 

The employment of any detective on the basis that 
he is to receive no pay unless he obtains evidence, 
will vitiate his evidence. It would be worth nothing 
even for “YONKERS PLAN” uses. The average 
reputable licensed detective agency will undertake 
to give honest returns for the money paid for the 
per diem and expenses of its operatives and to give 
straightforward, intelligent, usable written reports. 
Detectives are particularly pleased with the 
“YONKERS PLAN” because, while they must make 
affidavits and be ready to testify on necessity, the 
nature of the “YONKERS PLAN” relieves them 
from much unpleasantness. It is obviously dis¬ 
tasteful to a self-respecting man to be bully-ragged 
in court by shyster attorneys merely because he has 
secured evidence to help stop the violation of law. 

There should be a distinct understanding when 
the detectives are employed that no settlement will 
be made until their reports are submitted in affi¬ 
davit form. Make it clear that this does not mean 
that payment is to be dependent upon their secur¬ 
ing evidence as a basis for affidavits, BUT UPON 
THEIR MAKING A STATEMENT, in sworn form, 
of whatever evidence is secured, if any. Also give 
them to understand that under no circumstances are 
they to feign illness or injury as a means of secur¬ 
ing liquor. What is wanted is evidence of sales 
such as are made to ordinary drinkers. Securing 
liquor by pretense to be anything else than a thirsty 
individual with the price who wants it to drink, will 
react unfavorably upon those responsible. 

A detective can usually get evidence if conditions 
are bad unless somebody has “leaked” that he is on 
the ground. If conditions are good, it is part of the 
“PLAN” to find out that fact. 

There is always a chance that a detective may 
sell out to the other side and report he cannot get 
anything; but if circumstances are obviously sus¬ 
picious most reputable agencies will send another 
man at their own expense to check up. Different 
agencies may be used to check against each other. 
A man may be employed from each of two agencies 
without either knowing the other is employed. 

GUARDING THEIR USEFULNESS 

It is not only not necessary to publish the names 
of the investigators, but it will be well to make it 
a rule not to publish them. This will make it far 
easier to obtain the help of local citizens who are 
not detectives but who may volunteer as a matter 
of civic and patriotic service. It is sufficient to have 
the affidavits signed and sworn to in the regular way 
at some place outside of the locality, or else by a 
notary public who is one of the “ALLIED CITI¬ 
ZENS” or on the “YONKERS PLAN” Committee. 
In the copies for publication, in place of the signa¬ 
tures, use the words “Signed original in possession 

20 


of (here give the name of the Secretary or active 
member of the Committee)” and then the usual 
“Subscribed and Sworn to,” etc., with the name of 
the notary public and the date of the acknowledg- # 
ment. This keeps satisfactory detectives available 
for future work and saves local volunteers from 
unnecessary unpleasantness. 

Only one person should deal with the detectives, 
or know when they are coming, or that they are at 
work. This person should be accessible all the time 
the detectives are busy, so that if they desire to 
check up or receive advice on some question they 
can do so without exposing themselves. 

LIGHT ON OFFICIAL CONNIVANCE 

If the investigators can get any of the dive- 
keepers to talk about how the£ are able to operate 
in violation of the law, any hint from them that 
they are “in right” or “pay to be taken care of” or 
that the mayor, or head of the police force, or some 
local political boss is their “friend” and sees that 
they are not molested, affidavits covering such con¬ 
versation will be most useful for stirring the public 
and focusing attention on the failure of enforce¬ 
ment and also upon those who are responsible. 
Facts respecting gambling and immorality in con¬ 
nection with liquor selling help arouse the indigna¬ 
tion of decent citizens. See note, “A Supplemental 
Pamphlet,” at the bottom of page 14. 

As a general rule there should be as little prelimi¬ 
nary publicity as possible about any phase of the 
“PLAN” or even the mere fact that it is seriously 
contemplated, even though the newspapers know 
something is doing and are hot on the trail. Keep 
the plans quiet until after the first lot of evidence 
is secured. After that the publicity should be kept 
going vigorously until the fund for the support of 
the “PLAN” is completed, and the papers can be told 
all they want to know that will not block the 
operation of the work by premature publication of 
some specific move. 

REPUDIATE PESTIFEROUS ACTIVITY AND EXPOSE 
CONSPIRACY TO DISCREDIT ENFORCEMENT 

A “YONKERS PLAN” Committee should be sane 
as well as earnest in the matter of evidence. It 
will merely make itself ridiculous to accept and 
publish, as serious, evidence of pocket and grip¬ 
sack toting of personal flasks, and home brewing 
solely for home use, if a large-scale illicit traffic is 
running openly. The home brew question and spo¬ 
radic personal drinking will largely mitigate them¬ 
selves by the time smuggling, bootlegging, big illegal 
manufacture, permit frauds, etc., are effectively 
hedged up. But it is the Constitution that is sacred 
—not crime against it. The Fourth Amendment 
guarantees protection only against “unreasonable” 
searches. 

Whatever becomes necessary in order to prevent 
the breakdown of the law, the public will eventually 
demand: but petty annoyances and pestiferous ac¬ 
tivity against persons who are doing nothing more 
than cater to their own individual thirst, while big 
violators and crooked officials, getting rich from 
extensive deals or frauds, are unmolested, will 
alienate public sympathy, and might lead to un¬ 
thinking “reaction” against the whole prohibition 
policy on the part of those who do not realize that 
this is the deliberate design back of most unlawful 
“enforcement” activity by wet officials. 

If investigation shows that enforcement officials 

21 


are doing unlawful things, such as searching homes 
without warrants, or searching persons and baggage 
without such probable cause as would justify deten- 
• tion and investigation in other cases, and are doing 
so either (1) deliberately to discredit the law, or (2) 
for blackmail purposes, or (3) as a screen for official 
complicity in big illicit traffic, that is as important 
as anything that may be discovered, and should be 
published to block the conspiracy to bring the law 
into disrepute. 

EVIDENCE FOR PUBLIC ONLY 

The first thing that every “YONKERS PLAN” 
Committee must decide after the “PLAN” is once 
adopted, following decision that the emergency 
which calls for it has arisen, is whether it will profit 
by experience and follow the “PLAN” or indulge the 
luxury of making mistakes at the expense of the 
community and the cause they want to advance. 

The vital distinction between the “YONKERS 
PLAN” and all those methods which result in local 
law-enforcement failures is that UNDER NO CIR¬ 
CUMSTANCES will a “YONKERS PLAN” Commit¬ 
tee turn over its evidence secured at the expense 
of its fund to any public official for use in any pros¬ 
ecution or legal proceeding. To modify the “PLAN” 
at this point is to DESTROY it. Attempts to oper¬ 
ate something else under that name will be repudi¬ 
ated on notice, and as vigorously as necessary. 

Intelligent action depend? upon constant recogni¬ 
tion of the essential fact that the “YONKERS 
PLAN” is an emergency remedy, expressly so lim¬ 
ited at the beginning of Chapter 1. 

There will be endless pleas and arguments, both 
political and personal, to modify or at least “shade” 
the “PLAN,” but there need be no difficulty in hold¬ 
ing firm if the reasons why volunteer activity has 
become necessary are kept in mind. Whether offi¬ 
cers charged with the enforcement of law are doing 
their duty is of more importance to the public than 
to make a case against any particular law-breaker. 
It is infinitely more important to stop violation of 
the law than to convict a few out of many violators. 

A “YONKERS PLAN” Committee is born of a 
suspicion, based on conditions so notoriously bad as 
to overcome the natural presumption to which offi¬ 
cials are entitled, that there is official corruption or 
wilful neglect. The reason for its existence is to 
give the facts to the public. It secures support on 
the strength of that pledge. When it obtains evi¬ 
dence of official neglect or worse, it is treason to 
good government and a violation of good faith to 
withhold that evidence from the public. While it is 
the duty of every citizen to support public officials 
and, under ordinary circumstances, to give to prose¬ 
cuting officers and stand ready to give in court any 
direct evidence he happens upon personally, as a 
citizen, yet when conditions become so bad that the 
preliminary co-operation of citizens with officials 
prescribed at the beginning of Chapter 1 fails to 
secure satisfactory results, and it becomes necessary 
for citizens to volunteer to turn the light on such 
officials, then the first duty of such volunteers is 
NOT TO RECREANT OFFICIALS BUT TO THE 
PEOPLE. The people not only have a right, but 
it is their duty to know the degree and character 
of enforcement they are getting from their officials 
in return for their taxes. Further explicit advice 
about dealing with officials will be found in the next 
chapter of this manual entitled “What Not To Do, 
and Why.” 


22 


PUBLICITY THE POWER 

The supreme and ultimate object of the 
“YONKERS PLAN” is to secure not “enforcement 
of,” but OBEDIENCE TO law. No law is safe till 
the general public so accepts it as to obey it will¬ 
ingly. No nation is safe till its citizens generally 
recognize the reason for and need of obedience to 
all law. Special effort to enforce law is not a nor¬ 
mal, but a strictly emergency activity. Such effort 
is temporarily necessary, particularly where there 
have been special attempts to discredit a law, in 
order to protect the instinctively law-abiding 
against the inherently vicious and lawless, until gen¬ 
eral public sentiment is stimulated to cope with a 
particular nullification menace. 

Like the caterpillar tractor which lays its own 
track and then runs on it, this “PLAN” creates 
whatever law enforcement sentiment is needed in 
a community and then utilizes it. Public sentiment 
alone gives it its power. The necessary sentiment 
can be created, crystallized, and directed only 
through publicity. If a recreant public official can 
get a “YONKERS PLAN” Committee to turn their 
evidence over to him instead of giving it to the pub¬ 
lic while it is fresh and has “news” value, he has 
robbed them of their only weapons against him and 
can laugh at their stupid gullibility. 

Evidence material should be carefully arranged, 
and embodied in pungent statements for publica¬ 
tion which make it plain that somebody is respon¬ 
sible for the conditions revealed. If the Committee 
keeps the spotlight on those responsible any situa¬ 
tion will “crack” in due time regardless of whether 
the officials talk back, or are silently defiant. 

Particular care should be exercised in these pub¬ 
lic statements to say nothing actionable. Any ex¬ 
pert Anti-Saloon League worker should be able to 
advise. In many communities a sympathetic lawyer 
of good professional attainments will cheerfully 
give an opinion as to whether a statement is safe. 

INTERPRET FACTS BUT DO NOT SUPPRESS THEM 

Some officials are co-conspirators and therefore 
criminals themselves. Others are criminally an¬ 
tagonistic. If a public official, though not vicious, 
allows himself to be muzzled to protect corrupt po¬ 
litical bosses above him, or corrupt subordinates 
below him, he becomes in fact a party to what goes 
on and is not entitled to protection. Neither is he 
entitled to it if he is incompetent or seeks to pro¬ 
tect incompetents. 

No person who is so tied to any official that he 
desires to keep from the public the truth to which 
it is entitled is fit to be connected with the 
“YONKERS PLAN” Committee in any respect 
where he can influence the securing or giving out 
of evidence. A volunteer representative of the peo¬ 
ple who suppresses facts in order to protect an 
official who neglects or refuses to do his duty is 
just as dishonest as the official. 

This does not mean that the statements accom¬ 
panying the evidence given out must attack or re¬ 
flect upon the integrity of any official who is un¬ 
questionably honest and earnest. Judgment, intelli¬ 
gence and fairness are as necessary as frankness. 
In some cases it may be wise to let the facts speak 
for themselves—merely say “This is what was 
found,” and let the public draw its own inference 
and the officials make their own statements. The 
chances are that something will come out of it that 
will guide future activity. 

If some official has apparently been trying to do 

23 


his duty while others have hampered him, he is 
entitled to publication of the facts SO that the public 

can bring pressure on the others. If he was only 
APPARENTLY trying, but really bluffing, publica¬ 
tion of the facts will ultimately bring out that fact, 
and those who sought to shield him from the truth 
will be discredited. 

APPLIES TO FEDERAL OFFICIALS ALSO 

Everything said in this manual about state and 
local officials applies to Federal officials responsible 
for the enforcement of the Federal law in a particu¬ 
lar locality. The “YONKERS PLAN” is equally use¬ 
ful in informing the public as to their dereliction, or 
making sentiment in support of their honest, effec¬ 
tive efforts. 


AS TO NOTIFYING OFFICIALS 

The matter of dealing with officials, before there 
is any decision to adopt the “PLAN” at all, is dis¬ 
posed of in the first pages of Chapter 1. The fact 
that prior to decision (see Page 66), due admoni¬ 
tion was given, which fact should be included in the 
initial publicity under the “PLAN,” will disprove 
any claim that the officials were not treated fairly, 
and defeat any effort to arouse prejudice against 
enforcement on that ground. 

Since a “YONKERS PLAN” Committee is formed 
for the primary purpose of finding out, for the pub¬ 
lic, what the customary degree of enforcement is, it 
follows that for it to send notice just prior to inves¬ 
tigation by special detectives after the officials have 
failed to profit by previous notice, is not only not 
required in fairness, but it would interfere with the 
object of the “PLAN” by producing temporarily ab¬ 
normal conditions. Such a temporary change would 
not be a cure, but it would delay a cure by making 
it impossible for a while to ascertain the regular 
level of enforcement, which knowledge is essential 
to intelligent public action. 

THE PEOPLE HAVE RIGHTS 

Government exists for the people—not for any 
political group or for any public official. The people 
have a RIGHT to the facts as to what is being done 
in or by THEIR government on a question that con¬ 
cerns THEM. It is not necessary to try to brand or 
convict any official. The facts will take care of that. 
If guilty he will brand or convict himself by his 
behavior in the face of the facts. If honest and 
competent the facts will vindicate him. Public wel¬ 
fare cannot be left at the mercy of either his in¬ 
ability to comprehend this fact or his unwillingness 
to let the public have the truth. 

The only safe thing to do with facts belonging to 
the public is to PUBLISH them. Tampering with and 
suppressing them are both dangerous and either, if 
done after the “YONKERS PLAN” is launched, 
would constitute breach of faith. In the long run 
either will defeat the local movement even if it 
escapes wreck at an early stage. While every effort 
should be made to avoid injustice to any official and 
every courtesy should be extended that does not 
defeat the purpose of the movement, the friendship 
of any official is purchased at too great a cost if at 
the expense of deceiving the public by suppression 
of the truth in any field whatever. 

There will inevitably be clamor and accusation 
that there is some ulterior or political motive behind 
the “PLAN.” Such an accusation cannot possibly 
be disproved if any official is shielded from publi- 
24 


cation of the facts, or the “YONKERS PLAN” is 
compromised by any political activity under its 
name. And unless the charge of political motive or 
control is conclusively negatived, the opportunity to 
enlist every element that favors law enforcement 
will be lost, and the “PLAN” partly defeated before 
it starts. 

NOTHING ELSE HAS PROVED SAFE 

The reason for the above explicit, apparently ar¬ 
bitrary advice, which is in no respect inconsistent 
with previous suggestions covering the preliminary 
stages, that under no circumstances shall a 
“YONKERS PLAN” Committee parley with officials, 
or give them any notice after actually beginning 
operations, or in their behalf withhold from publi¬ 
cation either permanently or for a limited time any 
part of information gathered under the “PLAN,” is 
fundamental. 

The question of whether local officials are consci¬ 
entious and are doing their best, that is, whether 
they are entitled to any special consideration, is 
itself an issue of fact of sufficient importance and 
divisive possibilities to wreck the whole local move¬ 
ment. It cannot possibly be decided free from po¬ 
litical and personal considerations. Even if it could, 
that fact could not be proved. The difficulty is in¬ 
herent in the fact that no person can possibly 
KNOW whether the officials are doing their best, 
and when it comes to opinions one opinion is as 
good as another. 

Therefore, the only safe, intelligent way to start 
this work, after the community has decided it is 
necessary, is on a basis that avoids at the outset a 
weighing of probabilities, a scrutiny of motives, and 
a delicacy of negotiation that might embarrass the 
most seasoned of experts, and is practically certain 
to split an unseasoned group of volunteer citizens, 
no matter how earnest and sincere. It will be 
utterly impossible anywhere to withhold publication 
of the facts, or a part of them, without criticism 
from some quarter. On the other hand, if the facts 
which belong to the public are all published promptly 
then there is no possible legitimate ground for criti¬ 
cism. That is the very reason why some officials 
with desire to side-track or ruin the movement will 
raise such desperate objection to a policy which they 
are shrewd enough to realize is invulnerable. That 
is why there can be NO FLEXIBILITY WHAT¬ 
EVER on this point. The “YONKERS PLAN” 
hinges here. Anything else is not the “YONKERS 
PLAN.” 

No community is being importuned to take up the 
“YONKERS PLAN.” It is merely offered to those 
that want it, with interpretation and suggestion 
based upon working experience. Any community 
has a right to ignore or reject it, or a right to adopt 
any other plan that it wishes. But no community 
has a right to adopt something else or mutilate the 
“YONKERS PLAN” into a resemblance to the la¬ 
mentable failures that have retarded the advance¬ 
ment of prohibition for fifty years, and then call it 
the “YONKERS PLAN.” 

INFORMATION THAT CAN BE GIVEN THE OFFICIALS 

The operation of the “YONKERS PLAN” may bring 
in a flood of letters, some of them signed and some 
of them anonymous, containing alleged information 
of alleged violations of the liquor law, some of which 
will be valuable, some of which will be mere gossip 
and rumor, and some of which will be prompted by 
spite. Any information of direct value to the carrying 

25 


out of the “PLAN” should be utilized, as, for example, 
by listing names and addresses which can be looked 
up by the detectives next employed by the Committee. 
Then this material should all be turned over to the 
local division of the “ALLIED CITIZENS,” whose 
officers can with perfect propriety, at any time, provided 
they keep secret the identity of informants who are 
honest enough to sign their names, and provided they 
are careful to state explicitly that they assume no 
responsibility, but merely offer it “as is,” give such 
correspondence or the substance of the same to the local 
officials as a basis for their efforts to secure evidence 
that will warrant arrests and get convictions. 

If things so communicated leak out, and if no arrests 
are made, such facts can be used to strengthen the 
public-sentiment case against the officials, without hav¬ 
ing run the risk incident to departure from the “PLAN” 
or having caused a miscarriage of “PLAN” activity. 

PUBLICITY AND FUNDS CLOSELY RELATED 

Publicity and funds are closely related in the 
“YONKERS PLAN.” If effective publicity can be 
had, funds will come. On the other hand if funds 
are in hand to do the work, results can be secured 
that will insure effective publicity. And publicity IS 
INDISPENSABLE to the creation of sentiment. 

Supposing a “YONKERS PLAN” Committee to 
have been created and the first investigation made, 
publicity comes next in an effort so to use the 
evidence obtained as to arouse the community and pre¬ 
pare for a canvass for funds to make the “PLAN” 
permanent. The mere fact that local citizens have 
united their efforts to bring about enforcement of law 
is “news” and every step thereafter has inherent pub¬ 
licity opportunities. 

Public meetings as a part of the publicity necessary 
in a local movement are useful in their effect upon 
those who attend, entirely apart from what the news¬ 
papers carry by way of report for the benefit of the 
general public. 

APPROACHING NEWSPAPERS 

Newspapers should be approached frankly and con¬ 
fidently and tactfully with the assumption that they 
stand for enforcement of law. Most newspapers, in¬ 
cluding those which were and are opposed to prohibi¬ 
tion, stand for its enforcement while, and because, it is 
a law. Most editors honestly want enforcement. Many 
of them have been converted to prohibition by the 
even imperfect results so far. A few irreconcilables 
think enforcement will hasten repeal or modification. 

The responsible head of every local paper—the man 
who controls its policy and determines what it prints— 
should be seen, each on the same date, and talked with 
respecting the launching of the “PLAN” after ob¬ 
taining but before publishing the first evidence. It 
should be made clear to them that the “PLAN” 
Committee asks no favors but merely a square deal 
and the publication of the actual news. Then the 
“PLAN” Committee must make its offerings truly 
news. 

Then also see each editor, where he is not the 
owner, and tell him what publicity is contemplated. 
The “PLAN” should be explained briefly and three 
copies of this manual (one with cloth cover for the 
reference file, the others in paper backs to be cut and 
“pasted up” by the reporter) should be left with 
pages turned down at the parts which explain what 
the “YONKERS PLAN” is and just what it proposes 
to do. Ask no editor to carry any burden beyond what 
he ought to do as a good citizen toward giving the 
benefit of the doubt to a local movement to enforce 
law. 


26 


TREAT THEM ALIKE 

Treat all papers with absolute fairness, and treat 
them all alike until their own tactics compel the 
Committee to differentiate. Give them all, at the same 
time, material for a general story about the “YON¬ 
KERS PLAN” and the names of the citizens back of 
it. If most of the papers or the most widely read 
ones are morning papers, the matter may be given 
out so that they can handle it first,—or vice versa. 
Of course one class of papers will have to lose the 
first chance to use it. The number of readers reached 
and the way in which the material will be played up 
are legitimate factors in determining which class of 
papers shall have the first chance. The treatment which 
the preliminary story receives may help determine the 
choice as to which set of papers shall have the pref¬ 
erence later when giving out the evidence. 

Do not expect too much to be printed at once. An 
opening statement about the “YONKERS PLAN,” with 
the copies of this “PLAN” manual from which each 
paper may work up its own story as it desires, should 
be supplied first. Then some of the affidavits with 
an accompanying statement should be released for 
publication. As a third installment prepare a financial 
article. This should carry the name of the local leaders 
and an outline of the plan to raise the money needed 
to make the work of the “PLAN” permanent. It 
should announce a few large subscriptions if there are 
any to be announced. Thus there will have been three 
separate news stories, in logical order. This method 
will get better treatment from the newspapers and 
will develop the campaign in an orderly way with 
the public. 

Evidence should not all be published at once, if there 
is much of it. Two to four of the “hottest” affidavits, 
if they are long, or four to six if they are short, 
may be given out in the first installment. The others 
may be kept for later weekly installments, depending 
upon the amount and pungency of material available. 
See note at bottom of Page 14 “What Was Said and 
Done in Yonkers.” 

EDITORS WHO ARE FEARFUL OR HOSTILE 

To avoid any newspaper’s refusal to publish the 
affidavits on the ground that it would incur the risk 
of a libel suit, the editor should be told that if he 
does not feel sufficiently protected by the affidavits 
and the men behind the movement he can leave out 
the name and the address of the violator of the law 
specified in each affidavit if he will publish all the 
rest of each affidavit and state in general terms the 
location of each place concerned. In most communities 
some paper will gladly publish all the facts, including 
names. 

If an editor insists that advertising rates be paid 
for the sort of publicity outlined, that issue might 
just as well be promptly fought out with him. Such 
a policy would impose so great a financial burden 
upon any local organization as to constitute a 
de facto effort to keep the people from learning the 
truth. A story of actual conditions as respects the 
enforcement of law. in any community, particularly 
if it indicates the incompetence or indifference, or 
worse, of local officials, is “NEWS.” A newspaper 
which will not publish such evidence except for pay 
makes itself party to continued nullification of the 
law. Intelligent editors know that fact and rare indeed 
is the editor who will intentionally put his paper in 
that attitude. 

If all local editors should combine in refusal to print 
the facts, that of itself would be an astounding com¬ 
mentary on conditions and a compelling reason for 

27 


going through with the job of letting the people know. 
It may then be necessary to put the evidence out in 
circular form. These circulars should also announce 
that the facts were given the newspapers but they re¬ 
fused publication, choosing rather to give tacit support 
to law-breakers and to defraud the readers to whom 
they pretend to furnish the news. People should be 
urged to write the local papers they take and insist 
on their publishing the facts. A little pulpit thunder 
on the duty of newspapers not to suppress informa¬ 
tion will help. Resolutions may well be adopted by 
civic organizations and church congregations, con¬ 
demning suppression of the truth as to community 
conditions. 

In those rare cases where local newspapers are so 
swayed by prejudice or personal or political considera¬ 
tion as to conspire to suppress the facts, the Anti- 
Saloon League, if asked, can help blast things loose. 

OUTSIDE NEWSPAPERS 

It will be advisable in most cases to send copies of 
all publicity material to every newspaper in the county. 
If there is a large city nearby from which newspapers 
circulate to some extent in the local community, its 
papers should be furnished copies of all articles. In 
every case, however, in which material is sent to out¬ 
side newspapers, it should be timed, and marked with 
a definite release date, including the hour, and accom¬ 
panied by a letter calling attention to the release-hour, 
so that no outside paper can carry it back into the com¬ 
munity before local papers have a chance to put it out. 

If investigation discloses bad conditions about the 
same time some public official is endeavoring to convince 
the public that everything is as it should be, that con¬ 
stitutes big news except to papers so hide-bound 
that they are unwilling to print anything which seems 
to reflect on an official elected by their party. 

It is obvious that “YONKERS PLAN” publicity 
should be kept altogether distinct from publicity put 
out by or about the “ALLIED CITIZENS.” 

“YONKERS PLAN” MONEY 

What we shall now say about “YONKERS PLAN” 
finances will be in general equally applicable whether 
the bulk of the fund is raised before or after work 
has been started under the “PLAN.” This money 
should be raised for local use only, for the sole 
purpose of carrying out the “YONKERS PLAN” of 
getting and publishing facts about local conditions. 

Though this fund is of great local importance it 
cannot cover anyone’s entire responsibility on the prohi¬ 
bition issue. It is intensive concentration on one local 
phase of the problem of enforcement, but it alone can¬ 
not satisfy all the needs of the case. A reading of 
Chapter 5 on “The Relation of Community Enforce¬ 
ment to State and National Organization” will show 
how necessary it is that other and vastly wider work 
yet go on if the will of the American people respecting 
prohibition is to be maintained, and even the “YON¬ 
KERS PLAN” itself is to be carried through. It is to 
be presumed, therefore, that local solicitors will be 
neither so over-enthusiastic nor so unfair as to promise 
that any person who contributes to the “YONKERS 
PLAN” is under no further obligation to help support 
the Anti-Saloon League or aid other phases of the work 
in state and nation. Any such obviously gratuitous and 
unwarrantable promise, when repudiated by the League 
as it would have to be, would react upon the local 
movement by raising a question as to its intelligence, or 
good faith, or both. 

Persons who are to solicit for the “PLAN” should 
have this drilled into them. They should also be in- 

28 


structed to make it very clear that there will be no 
salaries paid out of the “PLAN” fund, even for 
LOCAL officers. It will help if every solicitor can 
say that the promoters or Finance Committee have 
provided for all incidental expenses. 

It is self-evident, too, that every solicitor should 
thoroughly read this manual before starting out, to 
be able to answer the questions that are sure to 
arise. It would be well to have a meeting for those 
who are to raise the money that they may have a 
chance to ask the questions that occur to them in 
advance. Every solicitor should also be prepared to 
say, if the question is raised, that while an Anti- 
Saloon League worker originated the “PLAN” and 
the League is backing it, not a cent of the subscrip¬ 
tion for the carrying on of the “YONKERS PLAN” 
is to go to the Anti-Saloon League, which will con¬ 
tinue to be supported by the voluntary contributions 
of those who recognize the importance of and are 
interested in carrying on its general work. 

SOLICIT MONEY BY PERSONAL INTERVIEW 

Never attempt to raise money for the “YONKERS 
PLAN” at church services or by a public appeal at a 
meeting. It will be splendid preparation for the 
money-raising to announce at such meetings that a 
canvass is coming and to lay the burden of respon¬ 
sibility on citizens. They need to be impressed with 
the fact that whatever they subscribe will be a busi¬ 
ness investment, for the saving in taxes under genu¬ 
ine enforcement will more than pay the cost of the 
special effort and leave all other financial gains and 
the moral benefits of prohibition as clear profit. 

But many a man will merely drop a dollar in a 
contribution plate or sign $5 on a card at a meeting 
who ought to pledge from $25 to $100, and who 
would do so if two men of his own type and finan¬ 
cial ability would call on him and tell him that they 
have given the larger sum and ask him to do like¬ 
wise. It is more work to prepare for a personal 
canvass, but the results will pay large returns on 
the extra effort. 

THE SUM NEEDED 

For Yonkers, a city of 100,000, $5,000 a year for five 
years was suggested as the minimum necessary for 
reasonably satisfactory results. No second or sub¬ 
sequent year’s payment on any subscription is to be 
called for until the first year’s fund has been used. 
Only the first half of any annual payment on the 
larger subscriptions is due till actually needed. 

In that city, with a start in subscriptions of $1,000 
each from three men, it is hoped greatly to increase 
the minimum, for the reason that the larger the 
amount Subscribed the greater the deterrent effect 
upon the criminal element and the stimulative effect 
upon officials—and the greater the interest on the 
part of the public, provided the subscription has 
been general. 

Whereas, every cent of a subscription of $5,000 a 
year for five years, aggregating $25,000, might have 
to be used, the deterrent and stimulative effect of a 
fund of $25,000 per year for five years would be such 
that only the first installment would ever be called 
for and it would probably last beyond the five years 
and cost less actual money in the long run. How¬ 
ever, every subscription must be genuine and every 
subscriber must expect, if it becomes necessary, to 
pay every dollar that he subscribes. 

The amount of money necessary in different 
places cannot be estimated solely in proportion to 
population, for in some respects the smaller the 

29 


place the harder it is to get evidence. Proportion¬ 
ately lessening the amount would give a place of 
1,000 inhabitants—one per cent, as large as Yonkers 
—only $50 a year. 

In no community, however small, will less than 
$1,000 a year give any reasonable assurance of paying 
for enough investigation to be efficient. The smaller 
the community the more difficult it may be to catch 
a bootlegger, because a stranger is conspicuous and 
suspicion is more easily aroused. 

The following is a table of suggested minimum 
ANNUAL amounts for indicated communities: 

Population Amount Per Year for Five Years 

5,000 to 10,000.$2,000 per year 

10,000 to 20,000. 2,500 per year 

20 000 to 30,000. 3,000 per year 

30,000 to 50,000. 4,000 per year 

50,000 to 100,000. 5,000 per year 

200,000 to 500,000. $10,000 to $25,000 per year 

COUNTY “PLAN” FOR SMALL PLACES 

In most communities which cannot raise a sub¬ 
scription of $1,000 a year the work would better be 
done on a county-unit basis, involving the raising of 
a fund for an entire county, outside of certain incor¬ 
porated cities and villages which may be doing their 
own work. If there is not as yet sufficient interest 
to enable a county use of the “PLAN,” a group of 
rural towns comprising a definite section of a county 
can be grouped together and the “PLAN” inaugur¬ 
ated for them all, in common. The county idea is 
very much better, however, as it comprises a defi¬ 
nite and complete political division which is a dis¬ 
tinct enforcement unit. 

THE FINANCE COMMITTEE 

In the absence of special circumstances which pre¬ 
vent it, the best results will be accomplished by 
completing the Finance Committee first because the 
publicity put out will have more weight if there is 
understood to be a considerable body of prominent 
citizens behind the movement at the start. 

The pastors might well concertedly devote some 
time, on an agreed-on Sunday morning, to laying 
the burden of responsibility for such aid on the men 
before them and so prepare them for whatever calls 
come to them. An incidental explanation of the 
“YONKERS PLAN” at a church service outside of 
Yonkers led a manufacturer to express his willing¬ 
ness to underwrite the entire $3,000 a year for five 
years needed by his city. 

Through Bible classes and various other groups, 
volunteers may be secured for whatever individual 
service may be needed. But do not DEPEND upon 
the volunteer method for the creation of financial or 
other LEADERSHIP. The men you need and the 
men who will make things win do not often volun¬ 
teer. They are busy and usually must be sought and 
the burden laid upon them. 

Women should be considered and used on the 
Finance Committee, or in any other place, on exactly 
the same basis as men. No woman should be left 
out because she is a woman nor should standards of 
service be lowered to include a woman merely be¬ 
cause of sex. 

The Finance Committee should select a treasurer, 
whose name should be known to the public in con¬ 
nection with that of the committee. It should also 
select, or authorize the treasurer to select a bank in 
which the fund for carrying on the “PLAN” shall be 
deposited—if possible one whose management is 

30 








thoroughly sympathetic and does not carry liquor 
or bootleg accounts. 

THE KNACK OF RAISING MONEY 

Three things are essential in securing money for 
any object. Those who give must be informed. They 
must be aroused. They must be moved to act. Law¬ 
less local conditions stir every decent citizen and, in 
this case, furnish the arousing factor. Those who 
solicit subscriptions for the “YONKERS PLAN” 
are the ones by whom prospective subscribers are 
to be moved to act. But neither stirred feelings nor 
requests, nor both together, will get sufficient 
money from people who are not informed accurately 
and fully as to what it is proposed to do to change 
local conditions. 

“Local law-enforcement” is an old cry. Many have 
given in the past in support of wrong methods and 
have suffered thereby in faith and purse. Nothing 
but a convincing case and a sure understanding of 
the metes and bounds of the proposed effort will 
avail with them or with other sensible persons. 
Furthermore, there is sure to arise, in the carrying 
out of the “PLAN,” more or less clash with officials 
who are neglecting their duties. Tense moments 
will come when success and a strict adherence to 
the “PLAN” will largely depend on the public's 
knowledge of why those carrying on the “PLAN” 
refuse to yield to certain official pleas for “co-opera¬ 
tion” or the turning over of the Committee’s evi¬ 
dence for use in the courts. If the Committee 
knows that the public understands why it cannot 
accede to these demands it can proceed with bold¬ 
ness, confident of the public’s backing all the way. 

The author of this manual has been raising money 
by public appeal and private interview for over 
twenty years. He has also put pressure on derelict 
officials and knows how they always seek to drive a 
wedge between enforcement leaders and the people 
who should support them. He has written this en¬ 
forcement manual to meet the known needs and 
difficulties involved in both tasks. What he advises 
as to the use of it in preparing the financial solicita¬ 
tion, therefore, is based neither on pride of author¬ 
ship nor hope of profit, but on scientific knowledge 
and cold, calculated purpose to meet community 
enforcement needs. The manual’s handy shape, con¬ 
densed form and limited weight are to make it easily 
circulated and at a trifling cost. The first basis of 
giving and doing is knowledge and the aim throughout 
this document has been to make it the information- 
medium in enlisting adequate financial and moral 
backing for the “YONKERS PLAN” in each com¬ 
munity that uses it. Its wide local use will produce 
in local funds multiplied times its cost, and amply 
prove the wisdom of the whole “PLAN.” 

INFORM THOSE TO BE SOLICITED 

After organizing, the Finance Committee should 
proceed forthwith to prepare a community canvass 
for the five-year fund. The first step should be the 
making of a list of those who ought to subscribe. 
In a city of 20,000 there should be from 500 to 1,000 
names on this list. In a place of 5,000 there may be 
250 because smaller places usually have a smaller 
percentage of aliens and of those who have no 
interest in community affairs. Those listed will not 
all be “leaders” and not all “in business,” but there 
is in almost any place at least that proportion of 
worth-while citizens, including mechanics, sober, in¬ 
dustrious, thrifty laboring men, school teachers and 

31 


other self-supporting women, who stand for law and 
order. 

These persons should be sent a one-page letter, 
which can be printed, with the name filled in, pre¬ 
ferably with typewriter. The letter, envelope and 
manual (paper back) will all go, unsealed, for two 
cents. Postage can be saved by sealing the enve¬ 
lopes and having them personally delivered, not by 
irresponsible messenger boys, but by volunteers 
from Epworth Leagues or Christian Endeavor So¬ 
cieties or the Boy or Girl Scouts, who will agree to 
hand each letter personally to the person to whom 
it is addressed or to some person who is known to 
represent him. The letter should be signed with 
the names of all of the Finance Committee. It 
should state in the fewest possible words that the 
“YONKERS PLAN” explained in the accompanying 
prohibition enforcement manual is being inaugur¬ 
ated locally, contain an urgent request to read the 
manual at the earliest possible moment, and close 
with the statement that somebody will wait upon 
the addressee of the letter in the early future to 
receive his or her assurance of support. 

It is highly important that such calls be made by 
one or more members of the Finance Committee, or, 
where that is impossible, by two other representa¬ 
tive citizens. Not only money, but friendly co¬ 
operation to the end, will in large measure depend 
upon doing this follow-up personal work thoroughly 
and tactfully. 

COST OF DOING IT MAY BE CONTRIBUTED 

Some one may be induced to contribute the cost 
of the needed number of manuals as a special gift 
for informing the community. If their cost is not 
specially contributed, they can be purchased out of 
the money subscribed by the first underwriters and 
the Finance Committee. A community which cannot 
get up a Finance Committee willing to furnish the 
means for such expenses and the cost of an initial 
inspection of local conditions need hardly expect to 
win out in an enforcement campaign. 

SUMS to' ask for 

The number of communities which have men with 
enough combined vision and means to equal the con¬ 
tribution of $5,000 a year for five years for West¬ 
chester County, New York (see Appendix), is lim¬ 
ited. But many communities have men and women 
who can and will give $1,000 a year for five years for 
such local benefit. There are others who will give 
$500 and $250. Large numbers of men and women 
can and will give $100 a year and down to $100 for 
the five years, if they are properly approached. The 
bulk of the money needed must be expected from 
these larger subscriptions. 

Then, though it will take much more effort and 
will usually not yield nearly so much money, an 
organized canvass which reaches every person in 
the community who will subscribe as much as $10 
or $5 a year, or even a dollar a year for five years, 
will furnish invaluable reinforcement of working senti¬ 
ment. It should be made clear that every person giv¬ 
ing even this nominal sum will be entitled to vote 
if there is a general meeting of contributors, or a 
mail referendum, to pass on a question of policy. 

Much depends upon securing an adequate force of 
competent canvassers, and thoroughly coaching 
them for the work of canvassing. The canvass when 
actually begun should be completed in a day if pos¬ 
sible, and positively not allowed to drag longer than 

32 


a week, except so far as necessary to clean yp by 
seeing those missed at the first attempt. 

If the full amount sought is not raised there is 
nothing to do except go as far as possible with 
the money that IS raised and use the resultant pub¬ 
lic education and increase of sentiment in a later 
drive to complete the fund. 

WHEN MONEY SHOULD BE PAYABLE 

It would be extremely unwise to ask for subscrip¬ 
tions on a conditional basis. The amount sub¬ 
scribed for the first year (the first half of the first 
year’s subscription in the case of the larger ones), 
should be payable at once, made available for imme¬ 
diate use and set to work. If a person positively 
refuses to make a subscription except conditional on 
raising the entire sum, it should be accepted and 
used as a leverage for completing the fund in the 
succeeding canvass if one is necessary. 

The fact that the first three big subscriptions secured 
for Yonkers were conditional does not change this rule. 
Not one of those subscribers is a present resident of 
Yonkers and every one was justified in insisting that 
the people of Yonkers show genuine interest before 
his money was used to do Yonkers work. But even a 
resident who subscribes as much as 20 % of the total 
minimum is warranted in insisting that the full sum 
be raised, and such stipulation as the consideration for 
such a subscription constitutes no real exception. 

Those who canvass should be explicitly charged to 
press for five year subscriptions. Chapter 1 tells 
why. Of course if any person will subscribe for only 
one year after the reason for five years is explained, 
what he offers should be taken, and then he should 
be re-solicited at the end of each year. 

The names of contributors should be published if 
they do not object. The danger of damage from liquor 
boycott and black-listing is over. The publication of 
a representative list of local contributors will have an 
encouraging effect upon officials, a deterrent effect upon 
law-breakers, and will set an encouraging example for 
the general public. The way should be open, however, 
for persons to contribute confidentially if they desire. 
A pastor or member of the Finance Committee can 
take a confidential contribution, secure a receipt in blank 
from the treasurer for the proper amount, and then 
fill in the name and send it to the contributor. 

EDUCATE BY CANVASS 

Soliciting individuals for money is one of the best 
ways to educate the public with respect to the campaign 
and its aims, and the reason why the community should 
back it. It involves telling conditions, the plan for 
their cure, and what berfefits its operation will confer, 
and it often discloses unexpected friends of the cause. 

Local facts, especially those with a human interest, 
should be compiled for, furnished to and used by the 
canvassers. Local decrease in arrests, especially for 
drunkenness, increase in savings deposits, decrease in re¬ 
quests for poor relief and increase in sale of clothing, 
children’s shoes, furniture and home comforts are un¬ 
answerable. A well-to-do man reminded of the trans¬ 
formation in one humble home whose occupants he 
knows, is likely to want to respond to an appeal to keep 
that and other homes safe. 

It is the duty of corporations to protect and pro¬ 
mote the welfare of their employees. If wise they 
will encourage enrollment of the best citizenship, on 
a moral issue, for the upholding of law, as a bit of 
civic insurance upon wholesome industrial conditions. 

Every church brotherhood, young people’s society or 
other organization of men or women which takes 

33 


interest in civic affairs should canvass, through a 
carefullj’- selected committee, all of its own member¬ 
ship. 

The mere canvass, with the inevitable discussion 
it starts, will itself contribute immeasurably to en¬ 
forcement of law by arousing sentiment and awaken¬ 
ing a general sense of civic responsibility. The educa¬ 
tion it accomplishes will be worth more than the 
money it raises. See further pages 59 to 61 respect¬ 
ing the vital importance of a community canvass 
and the use of the “Civic Service Banner.” 

The impact upon public sentiment, the jar to the 
lawless, the stimulus to officials and the encourage¬ 
ment to the law-abiding which come by such a com¬ 
munity inventory of sentiment for law, cannot be 
over-estimated. 


SUBSCRIPTION FORMS 

Blank cards for subscriptions should be printed locally 
and may be in the following form: 

“To promote enforcement of the law (or “To enforce pro¬ 
hibition”) in (name of community) according to the ‘YONKERS 
PLAN,’ I hereby subscribe for the use of the local committee 
organized for that purpose the sum per year indicated by my 
‘cross’ mark (X). This subscription is to continue for five 
years unless I die or remove, or withdraw it in writing after 
the first year.” 

The blank should have a row of figures, each 
with a little “box” opposite for marking, covering 
the following amounts: $1, $2, $3, $5, $10, $15, $20, 
$25, $50, $100, $200, $250, $500, $i;000. The Finance 
Committee, if it prefers, may substitute a blank 
space for sums smaller than $5. The card should 
be 3 by 5 inches for convenient filing, with space 
for the name, address and date, and also for the 
church affiliation to facilitate canvass of its own 
membership by a church committee. 

TWO JOBS ON ONE TRIP 

The one canvass should be utilized both to raise 
money for the “YONKERS PLAN” and secure mem¬ 
bers for the “ALLIED CITIZENS” or other local 
organization which already exists or is to be formed 
to take care of other phases of enforcement work and 
be the local branch of the State-wide system of local 
organization. This does not mean the taking of an 
additional money subscription but merely securing also 
the signature of each solicited person who favors up¬ 
holding law, to the covenant blank of the “ALLIED 
CITIZENS OF AMERICA” or the local “CITIZENS 
ALLIANCE” or whatever is meant to be the local 
equivalent of the “ALLIED CITIZENS.” The need 
for such an organization locally has already been briefly 
stated. Full discussion will be found in Chapter 
4. This will necessitate each canvasser’s having not 
only subscription blanks for the “YONKERS PLAN” 
but plenty of covenant enrollment blanks for the 
“ALLIED CITIZENS” or “CITIZENS ALLIANCE” 
or whatever the local branch of the general law- 
enforcement organization is called. 

It will help give people a clear idea of the purposes 
of both phases of enforcement activity—the “PLAN” 
and the “ALLIED CITIZENS” or equivalent organiza¬ 
tion—if with each person solicited a leaflet is left on 
which are printed a brief definition of the “YONKERS 
PLAN” and the covenant and purposes of the 
“ALLIED CITIZENS.” Copies of the standard 
“ALLIED CITIZENS” leaflet and covenant blanks 
may be had from the general office in New York 
City. If outside of New York State, and the local 
organization is to be called by some other name, the 
leaflet and covenant blanks must be printed locally 
or obtained from a headquarters in that State. 

34 


FORM FOR LOCAL LEAFLET 

Such local leaflet should be as short and compact as 
possible. If made 6 x3^ inches it will go without 
folding into a 6^4 ordinary business envelope. It 
should be printed on both sides in 8 point (this size) 
type, with the definition of the “PLAN,” the “covenant” 
and the “Note” at the end in 6 point (see below) 
black face type. Four pages of the same size, with 
larger type, will be more attractive. 

The following form is suggested where the local 
organization is not an “ALLIED CITIZENS” division, 
the head to be one line in good strong 14 to 18 point 
black type: 


THE “YONKERS PLAN 0 

The “YONKERS PLAN” for Prohibition Enforcement will be 
started in (name of community). It is officially defined, in con¬ 
trast with old unsuccessful methods as follows: 


(Here insert the first two paragraphs which appear under 
the heading “ ‘YONKERS PLAN’ Defined,” at the bottom 
of page 6 near the beginning of Chapter I.) 

It will be necessary to raise (here insert the sum which has 
been agreed upon locally) per year for five years in this com¬ 
munity to insure reasonable prospect of success in carrying out 
this “PLAN.” This money will be kept in a local bank subject 
to the order of a local treasurer, and spent for work in this 
locality.' A contribution of an amount per year for five years 
which represents your idea of the importance of regard for law 
and your willingness to help secure it, is needed and re¬ 
quested. 

To supplement the “YONKERS PLAN” by doing these things 
which cannot be done by or through the “PLAN,” especially 
to bring about the re-nomination and re-election of faithful en¬ 
forcement officials and repudiation of the other kind, a “CITI¬ 
ZENS ALLIANCE of (here insert name of the community)” is 
to be organized. 

Any man or woman citizen of voting age, regardless of creed 
or party, who signs the following covenant: 

(Here insert covenant of the “ALLIED CITIZENS” found 
on page 54, with substitution of the name “CITIZENS 
ALLIANCE” and name of the community, for the “ALLIED 
Citizens name.) 

will become an active member until death or withdrawal. 
Signing this covenant does not bind the signer to pay any 
money to support the “CITIZENS ALLIANCE,” but consti¬ 
tutes an enrollment of those who are willing to stand for the 
enforcement of law and stands as encouragement to honest, 
faithful enforcement officials and the law-abiding majority off 
the citizenship, and as a rebuke to the other sort. 

If YOU favor law enforcement in (here insert the name of 
the community) and are willing, on the simple broad basis 
of CITIZENSHIP, to help do something to secure it, obtain a 
“YONKERS PLAN” subscription blank and a “CITIZENS 
ALLIANCE” covenant blank and sign them and send them to 
the Secretary named below. The officers of the “CITIZENS 
ALLIANCE” will be chosen later, but supplies can be obtained 
from the “YONKERS PLAN” Committee as follows: 

(Here insert the names of the secretary and treasurer of 
the Committee with their addresses and then the Finance 
Committee with the chairman named first and the other 
names arranged in alphabetical order. Below these names, 
which may be paragraphed in small black face type, insert 
the following:) 


NOTE.—Full particulars respecting the “YONKERS PLAN 
and the purposes and form of organization of the “CITIZENS 
ALLIANCE” are contained in the 96-page, pocket size prohibi¬ 
tion enforcement manual entitled “The ‘YONKERS PLAN 
for Prohibition Enforcement,” the price of which is 25c post 
paid. Send a quarter to the Secretary and get your copy. 

Or the secretary, if requested by mail at the address above, 
will send a copy FREE to any person who asks for it with 
a promise to read it through carefully. 


These leaflets should be supplied and used freely 
enough to get one into the hands of every adult in the 
community who can read it. 

The “covenant” for the local “CITIZENS AL¬ 
LIANCE” should be printed for enrollment purposes 
on a card 3x5 inches, across the long way of the 
card, which should have a blank for name, address 
and date, and the church if a signer desires to indi¬ 
cate it. In New York the official “ALLIED CIT- 
ZENS” covenant can be had from headquarters. 

Every church has a right to have the community 
know what proportion of its membership is co-operatmg 
for community betterment. The proportion of church 


35 


members contrasted with the proportion of those out¬ 
side of churches who are ready to stand up and be 
counted in behalf of law and civic decency will also 
be illuminating as to the efficiency of the church as the 
exponent of a sound public morality. 

The covenant card should also contain the words: 
“My signature to this card does not bind me to pay 
any money.” 

WHERE THIS MANUAL WILL HELP 

At the time the first publicity containing evidence is 
released it will help if a copy of this manual is sent the 
mayor of the city or president of the village board, the 
head of the city or village police department, the district 
attorney of the county, the judges, including local 
magistrates, and all other officers having to do with 
enforcement, so that they may understand that what 
is under way is not a local spasm but is in accord with 
a state-wide and nation-wide plan that has been fully 
tested. Cloth covered copies will be appreciated more 
and preserved longer. 

The Prohibition movement’s experience of over fifty 
years has shown the importance of literature. Try to 
tell it to an official and you get into an argument. 
Let him read it and he cannot talk back to a prohibi¬ 
tion enforcement manual. He may not like it, but 
it makes its impression just the same. A manual 
about a concerted plan calls up as corroborative 
witnesses all the people who have tried it and won 
out by it throughout the whole country. They are 
there in spirit and are never silenced. 

“YONKERS PLAN” SUPERVISION 

The Finance Committee, if it insists, may be relieved 
of all responsibility except that of making personal con¬ 
tribution, raising and safely keeping the fund, and pay¬ 
ing it out on proper voucher. In that case there should 
be an Advisory Committee—preferably a small com¬ 
mittee of not over five, including the secretary, who 
will be the executive officer and sign the public state¬ 
ments. Each community must decide for itself whether 
it is better to publish the names of this committee. 

It will be well for the Committee to have legal counsel 
—not paid counsel, but some good local lawyer who 
should be chosen and called upon with the distinct 
understanding that he is not expected to pass judgment 
upon the wisdom of the “PLAN” or general policy, 
but to help make sure that it is carried out in a legal 
and proper manner, and that what is said is not action¬ 
able. It is self-evident that while a movement designed 
for law enforcement should be fearless in the ex¬ 
posure of wrong-doing it should not itself violate the 
law by infringing the legal rights even of liquor crim¬ 
inals. Where such counsel is not available the 
Anti-Saloon League counsel should be called upon. 

After doing once these suggested things, then there 
remains merely to continue doing them, utilizing ex¬ 
perience to avoid mistakes and increase efficiency, 
until the object is measurably accomplished. 


36 


Chapter 3. 


STARTING AND PUSHING THE 
“YONKERS PLAN” 

(2) WHAT NOT TO DO—AND WHY 

DON’T BE TOO COCKSURE 

When one considers the vast number of local law en¬ 
forcement movements which have failed, there is 
little warrant for anyone’s feeling that it is possible 
to carry on such work without careful consideration 
of the principles involved. 

There are single sentences in this manual which 
epitomize months of experience on a particular 
point, and its suggestions, if followed, will save the 
people of any community much time and money. 
The time it will take to read it and then refer to it 
when in doubt on specific points, is small compared 
to the time required to work any plan. Far more 
than the time necessary to grasp the principles in¬ 
volved and note the detailed suggestions will be 
saved in working out the “PLAN”, if the help here 
made available is utilized. In addition a local leader 
who is informed will be sure of himself in talking 
with friends, and escape many embarrassments 
when dealing with hostile public officials. 

DON’T TAMPER WITH IT 

The great danger in connection with this “PLAN” 
is that in practically every community somebody 
will propose something else or some variant which 
is new to persons who have just become interested, 
but is old and known to be a failure by experienced 
workers. Nearly thirty years of experience and ex¬ 
perimenting by many people with all forms of effort 
to secure action by regularly-elected local officials 
is behind the “PLAN”expounded in this manual. 
No less-experienced citizen, however brilliant, can 
afford to ignore a “PLAN” embodying that accumu¬ 
lated knowledge. Millions of futile community dol¬ 
lars have already been spent trying out half-baked 
suggestions. To heed them now would be to waste 
time and money and, b}' failure, discourage earnest 
souls and set the community against early trial of 
the effective way. If such folly were general, 
National Prohibition itself might be the forfeit. 

The “YONKERS PLAN” is as nearly fool proof as 
any working enforcement plan can be. It avoids 
the things by which nearly all local enforcement 
efforts have been wrecked. It reduces required 
things to a minimum. Any citizen who will not 
stand for getting the facts and publishing them 
either has something he is interested in covering up, 
or is at bottom opposed to self-government. 

DON’T FLY THE TRACK 

In the old style of law enforcement “crusades” 
the leader, frequently a minister, employed detec¬ 
tives and then undertook to see the “cases” through 
to a conviction. There were the inevitable, uncal¬ 
culated expense; the risk of corrupted witnesses; 
clashes over questions of the guilt or innocence of 
the accused, whether officials prosecuted honestly, 

37 


whether jurors had been properly selected or tam¬ 
pered with; and so on through the course. The 
result was that frequently churches were split, or 
a minister sought a new field of labor, thereafter 
ever to say “I was stung once. Never again!” 

This “PLAN” removes all occasion for such con¬ 
fusion and bad blood. There can be no tenable ob¬ 
jection to any minister’s uniting with other citizens 
to find out what actual conditions in his community 
are, and to make the facts public. 

On such a basis, with a statement of the duties of 
the officials, the demand that they discharge those 
duties and give the people value received on their 
tax money cannot produce any division in a church 
or community except between those who stand for 
law and those who do not. The sooner that divi¬ 
sion comes the better it will be for every honest 
interest. The sooner many careless individuals who 
are at heart law-loving can be compelled to analyze 
their civic company and their real attitude toward 
law the more profitable it will be for the churches 
with which they are connected and the communi¬ 
ties in which they live. 

DON’T SKIMP ON INFORMATION 

It is possible to be so saving of printed matter as 
to fail of adequate support. A “YONKERS PLAN” 
Committee not only needs to be right, but it also 
needs to have the community know it is right. It 

cannot afford to leave enemies in the rear. The 
prominent, representative citizen who is given a 
copy of the manual and does not promptly object 
to program or policy while it is being adopted, is in 
no position to do it later when the “PLAN” is in 
operation. 

Further, the psychological effect upon public offi¬ 
cials and politicians who know that such a manual 
is in the hands of leaders of thought and action in 
the community cannot be overestimated. 

DON’T LEAVE THE FIELD TO CROOKS OR TRIFLERS 

Dishonest attempts to forestall a sincere volun¬ 
teer enforcement movement by getting and publish¬ 
ing alleged evidence should be exposed and repu¬ 
diated. The Anti-Saloon League can help here. 

The supposedly “good” man who is stupid or easy 
or unscrupulous enough to become a false front for 
a crooked effort to defeat good government merits 
no consideration at the expense of the community. 
The more completely he is discomfited by publica¬ 
tion of the facts about his “investigation”, the less 
likely any other person will be to try to fool the 
same community. The “YONKERS PLAN” is fully 
as useful when it exposes the attempts on the part 
of friends of politicians or of politically influential 
bootleggers to give a clean bill of health to an ad¬ 
ministration which is not enforcing the law, as it is 
when directly exposing violation of law. 

DON’T WAIT FOR THE IDEAL 

Under no circumstances should effort at local en¬ 
forcement wait on ideal leadership. Most commun¬ 
ities will have to develop their leaders in the actual 
operation of the “PLAN”. Besides, the type of 
prominent person who is usually nominated by 
those without experience is apt to be too much en¬ 
grossed with other things. Sometimes he has been 
spoiled by successes and made so opinionated and 
set on having his own way as to make him incapable 
of team work and unteachable in this specialized 
endeavor. As correct methods are the first requi- 

38 


site, a willingness to follow them is the second. 
Better a less outstanding leader willing to play by 
the rules than a notable one who insists on his own 
game regardless of consequences. 

DON’T PUT SLACKERS, COWARDS, SELF-SEEKERS OR 
“CRANKS” AT THE HEAD 

Any intelligent citizen, however estimable or 
prominent he may be, who will not help after read¬ 
ing this manual, is better outside the CONTROL of 
the local movement than in it. There is room for 
the help of everybody, no matter how half-hearted 
or grudging it may be, but if the movement is to 
succeed its local LEADERSHIP must be free to 
handle facts fearlessly. 

Time-servers, popularity seekers, slackers and 
cowards will do well to stay in the rear ranks, and 
if they do not recognize that fact they should be 
LEFT there. From the viewpoint of self-seeking 
machine politicians and partisan newspapers and 
the parrot section of the public, there is no place for 
the “ALLIED CITIZENS OF AMERICA”, the“YON- 
KERS PLAN” or anything else which compels poli¬ 
ticians to face live issues in the open. Law en¬ 
forcement is not a popular job—at least in its incep¬ 
tion. After the public begins to reap the benefit it 
will be extremely popular. But no mere popularity- 
seeker can stand the punishment a leader must take 
to bring the movement to that point. 

DON’T LET AXE-GRINDERS GET AWAY WITH IT 

Practically any existing local organization of civic 
or semi-public character will have certain limita¬ 
tions which cannot be outgrown, and which will be 
imposed upon any movement which comes to be con¬ 
sidered as its pet project. Any service it can render 
and any impetus or leadership it can give a COM¬ 
MUNITY effort should be gratefully accepted, 
while any possible liabilities of reputation and influ¬ 
ence should be tactfully avoided. 

The immediate task to be considered is the en¬ 
forcement of the prohibition law. This is of such 
difficulty and over-shadowing importance as to de¬ 
mand the best a community can offer. All exper¬ 
ience proves that the best can be rallied only 
through a movement devoted to this one thing upon 
the broad basis of CITIZENSHIP without regard to 
creed, party or sex. 

Any one who seeks to grind a personal, church, 
party or organization axe at the expense of com¬ 
munity victory in support of law is unfit for leader¬ 
ship for the obvious reason that no one can render 
disinterested service while seeking a selfish end. 

DON’T HESITATE TO OUST THE UNFIT 

If a mistake is made and it becomes apparent that 
someone has acquired leadership who is promoting 
something else than law-enforcement and commun¬ 
ity welfare, there should be no hesitation about 
making his aims so apparent that he will resign or, 
by refusal to quit, demonstrate the need of more 
drastic action respecting him. 

The purpose of this movement is to bring about 
enforcement and observance of law or show what 
stands in the way, so that public sentiment can fo¬ 
cus itself on the obstacle. Those who, under the 
guise of devotion to such a cause, persist in doing 
things that block that cause and strengthen its ene¬ 
mies are themselves enemies and must be treated as 
such. Second only to these as a real menace to an 
enforcement movement are those congenital soft- 


39 


pedalers who allow actual enemies, masquerading as 
friends, to “get away with” their designs, for fear of 
a fuss or a muss. 

If the movement locally is fettered by mercenary, 
self-seeking individuals, no matter how prominent, 
who have obtained control and insist on running it 
wrong or refuse to run it right,—or at all,—there is 
just one alternative—failure of the movement or 
ouster of the obstacle. If there must be a clash, the 
sooner it is over and the air cleared and the muss 
cleaned up, the sooner the movement will get at its 
real business. The movement will be immeasurably 
farther along locally at the end of five years if, with 
inflexible firmness, it goes straight to its mark, 
meeting squarely— and head-on —every issue which 
cannot be avoided without sacrifice of principle or 
efficiency, trusting to accomplished results to vindi¬ 
cate the policy, than if it drifts aimlessly, waiting 
for somebody to get tired and resign. The pestifer¬ 
ous sort never get tired of being pestiferous and 
never resign from a place that affords opportunity 
for their peculiar kind of ability. 

DON’T FORM AN ECCLESIASTICAL ORGANIZATION 

While the church people must be enlisted because 
the churches must furnish most of the dynamic es¬ 
sential to enforcement of prohibition, still it is true, 
with so few exceptions as to prove the rule, that it 
will be fatal to the “YONKERS PLAN” and to the 
development of the “ALLIED CITIZENS” to have 
either or both under the control of any local church 
organization such as ministerial union, council or 
federation of churches. For one thing such an or¬ 
ganization would be Protestant, which might in 
some places instantly shut off the possibility of the 
Catholic co-operation in upholding law and order 
that may reasonably be expected. In the second 
place, the province of an inter-church hody is to pro¬ 
mote t:o-operative effort of the churches in the dis¬ 
charge of what are recognized as strictly ecclesi¬ 
astical functions, and to afford a vehicle for a united 
expression of the conviction and the wish of the 
churches, as churches, respecting public questions 
that affect public morals and public welfare and de¬ 
termine the conditions under which they must op¬ 
erate. Such an organization may properly initiate 
the “PLAN,” on the basis laid down in the preceding 
chapter, as a CITIZENS movement. 

Enforcement work, in its “ALLIED CITIZENS” 
phase, touches politics in the broad and not the 
party sense, in a way which no church, as such, can 
wisely undertake but can approve; and the relation 
of the various churches to it should be solely one of 
impressing upon their members, respectively, the 
importance of discharging their individual civic obli¬ 
gations through non-partisan, non-sectarian agen¬ 
cies which are not ecclesiastical in character. 

The same principles hold with respect to a local 
federation of church Brotherhoods,—or Bible classes. 
They should not be asked to disband their Brother¬ 
hood organizations and merge in the “ALLIED CIT¬ 
IZENS”, because, as Brotherhoods, they have a cer¬ 
tain function in relation to their own churches re¬ 
spectively. But every member of every church 
Brotherhood should be invited and urged, as a citi¬ 
zen, to sign the “ALLIED CITIZENS” covenant and 
to back up the “YONKERS PLAN” Committee. 

DON’T OVERLOOK ANY CHURCH 

The churches which are most conservative in their 
attitude toward reforms and therefore were not so 
active in the prohibition struggle, are very strong 

40 


in their opposition to lawlessness and in their re¬ 
spect for authority. It is unthinkable that they 
would assume an attitude of defiance of law, or even 
of failure to stand for enforcement of and obedience 
to law, provided the local advocates of enforcement 
are wise enough to press for enforcement uncompli¬ 
cated with any other issue, and, where necessary 
to correct misrepresentation, take time to make it 
plain to all: (1) that prohibition is not and cannot 
be made an assault upon nor an attempt to regulate 
any church’s religious rites or customs; and (2) that 
the enforcement laws protect them against impos¬ 
tors who attempt to make any church a screen for 
unlawful practices not sanctioned by any of its ac¬ 
credited representatives. 

With a cordial, tactful invitation to all to join on 
this self-respecting basis, and with publication of the 
fact of such invitation, the ’“YONKERS PLAN” 
should be put into operation and the “ALLIED 
CITIZENS OF AMERICA” organization be pushed, 
always leaving the door open to any who at first de¬ 
cline to help, and renewing the invitation whenever 
there is any ground for believing that it will be 
accepted. 

DON’T PARLEY-ACT 

The “YONKERS PLAN” recognizes that the pro¬ 
hibition law has been singled out for attack, nullifica¬ 
tion, emasculation and ultimate repeal by a highly 
organized special interest with vast profits at stake, and 
it embodies summed-up experience that the only way 
to prevent many public officials from yielding to the 
pressure of this interest is to give the people the facts 
as to the law, the responsibility of the officials under 
that law, the efforts that are under way to break the 
law down and the extent to which the law is in fact 
being broken down. Its purpose is to rally the law- 
abiding element to the support of every conscien¬ 
tious official, neutralize nullification pressure, and 
crystallize sentiment which will make it politically 
safe for officers to fulfill not only the letter but the 
spirit of their oath of office,—and unsafe not to do so. 

Notorious, chronic failure to enforce is ample notice 
to the public that officials are not only not doing their 
duty but do not intend to do it except as they may be 
compelled. If the public senses that conditions are 
bad, then local officials, with their special opportunities 
for securing information, must be presumed to know 
it. In such a case there is no obligation, moral or 
otherwise, to protect them; but there is an obligation 
of good sense resting on trustees of the public Wel¬ 
fare not to be fooled by them. An attempt to “co-op¬ 
erate” with notoriously corrupt or wantonly negligent 
officials will merely kill time and probably kill the 
movement by first making it ridiculous. Besides, the 
“YONKERS PLAN” is not to be invoked until all 
hope of any genuine coroperation is gone. 

There are two extremes of volunteer enforcement 
work. One is to undertake to do the work for the 
officials; that is, to get evidence and try to secure con¬ 
victions over their heads. This is doomed to failure 
in advance. If it wins an occasional fragmentary 
success, that merely accentuates the gloom of the ulti¬ 
mate failure. The second is to undertake to co-operate 
with the officials to such extent, through a sickly sen¬ 
timentality that refuses to do anything that will hurt 
or offend a smooth-talking official, as to allow the 
officials to determine what the volunteers shall say 
and do. This permits such officials to shunt the volun¬ 
teer movement to a stub side-track and derail it 
there. The first course ends in a smash-up. The 
second in wasted effort, time, money and opportu- 

41 


nity. Both are foolish and futile, and therefore 
wrong. 

The “YONKERS PLAN” is by its very nature an 
argument against the first mistaken extreme. It is 
in the second respect that those who operate the 
“YONKERS PLAN” will need to be most guarded, 
lest they let weak sympathy for unfaithful officials 
lead to unfaithfulness on their own part to the inter¬ 
ests of their community. 

DON’T HEED PLEAS FOR DELAY 

A crooked official will spar for time. If he can 
get time, he figures, there may be a chance to ditch 
the whole affair or set up a counter diversion. Where 
the officials have not acted, it is ACTION and not 
words that is called for from civic volunteers. Armed 
with damaging facts they can strike a blow at the 
whole system of accepting the duties of office lightly 
and taking oath with reservations. The more objec¬ 
tion there is to published FACTS, the plainer they 
become. But when facts are smothered the oppor¬ 
tunity to make of the people an irresistible force 
for compelling permanent official faithfulness has 
been lost. 

DON’T SUBORDINATE PUBLIC WEAL TO OFFICIAL 
PRIDE, FEELINGS OR STUBBORNNESS 

Super-sensitiveness on the part of an official may be 
the best reason for publicity. Harrowed feelings some¬ 
times help men to move in the direction of their duties. 

An official who would sacrifice the benefits of aroused 
public sentiment on behalf of law for fear he may be 
reflected upon, is either trying to cover up something, 
or does not know his business, or would subordinate 
the public interest to his personal pride or opinion. 

An honest official may have incompetent or crooked 
assistants. Publicity will make him clean house. The 
public cannot consent to remain the victim of his bad 
judgment, or easy-going disposition, or real or fancied 
obligations to a political boss or organization. 

DON’T SYMPATHIZE IMPROPERLY 

There will be less of that misplaced sympathy which 
seeks to shield derelict officials if all bear in mind that 
the crowd trying to break down Prohibition is the most 
conscienceless, ruthless set of outlaws that ever fat¬ 
tened on human woe, and that often leaders, in some 
cases many of them, of the organization of either politi¬ 
cal party, are working hand-in-glove with these crim¬ 
inals in return for aid that exceeds, in proportion, any¬ 
thing that could be extorted from licensed saloon¬ 
keepers. Any local official who acts as a false front 
to such a system is no better than the crowd he trains 
with and perpetuates in power. A discriminating man 
of fine sensibilities who finds himself in such a position 
will expose it, and, if necessary, resign. 

The proper perspective can be secured by remember¬ 
ing that law and order have been officially sacrificed, 
that much of the moral benefit of prohibition has been 
officially forfeited, that a vicious and crooked traffic has 
been officially allowed to ravage, that helpless women 
and children as well as men are suffering from it, and 
that any trifling with or mawkish sentimentality for 
the officials who are responsible and who sought the 
offices they hold, will be at the expense of the life 
blood and the heart anguish of many innocent sufferers. 

The truth is that much so-called “fairness” of mem¬ 
bers of local enforcement committees in demanding that 
officials be given a fairer chance than the public is not 
fairness at all, but a mere pose, a form of egotism which 
seeks to appear before the world as exceedingly liberal. 

42 


DON’T BE BLUFFED 

After the publication of facts some official may ask 
for the evidence and say that if it is furnished to him 
he will start cases in court. This is where the pres¬ 
sure becomes acute and, by that token, the place 
where the "YONKERS PLAN” is adhered to and 
made effective for all the future, or abandoned and 
the enforcement effort thereby made useless. 

Such an official should be written courteously but 
plainly that HE can secure evidence at public expense 
and that the fines will go into the public treasury and 
can be appropriated to pay for the work of getting the 
evidence—so that ultimately it will not cost anything 
net to anybody but the violators of law; that if this is 
not true he should long ago have made an appeal to the 
proper body for funds for obtaining evidence, and, if 
need be, should have asked public help toward getting 
such an appropriation; but that common honesty re¬ 
quires that after the people have paid their taxes to 
maintain an official law enforcement machine they 
should not be asked to pay a second time for what 
officials have already been paid tax money to get. 
This letter, which should be given to the press, should 
explain that the plan of the local law enforcement com¬ 
mittee is limited to securing facts for the public. 

If the request or demand to turn over evidence is 
complied with, the Committee has not one chance 
left in a hundred to win out. The moment that a 
‘ YONKERS PLAN” Committee turns over its infor¬ 
mation to an official for presentation in court it 
risks the public impression as to the truth or falsity 
of it on the outcome of criminal prosecutions, over 
which the Committee has no control. 

There may be somebody on the grand jury, an 
“accident,” of course, who uses his influence to pre¬ 
vent an indictment. If an indictment cannot be stopped 
somebody may be on the trial jury who will cause a 
disagreement; an “accident,” of course, but such 
things happen. A sullen, unwilling, not to say hostile 
district attorney may not protect the State’s witnesses. 
He may let the counsel for the defense browbeat 
them. Then, he may not make his own case to 
the best advantage. In short, such an official is 
anxious to have the case of the volunteers break down 
so as to justify his own claim that he could not get 
evidence that would convict. 

There are various ways of securing continuances and 
dragging cases along, spiriting witnesses out of the 
jurisdiction of the court, until the people are tired out, 
and, in the improbable event a conviction is eventually 
secured, its effect has been discounted and it does not 
redeem the situation. Thus what is begun as an effort 
to enlist the public against do-nothing officials is allowed 
to become an instrument in the hands of the officials 
for justifying their inaction— and the chance to force 
a change of conditions has been lost. 

DON’T HESITATE TO FIGHT BACK HARD 

Under the "YONKERS PLAN” it is not necessary 
to get evidence sufficient to convict in court, but just 
enough to convince the public. This makes 
"YONKERS PLAN” work much cheaper. While two 
witnesses are better, and advisable the first time, 
one is enough for most subsequent investigations. 
No conviction can be secured on the evidence of one, 
but if a man from a reputable detective agency 
makes an affidavit, that will satisfy the public. If it 
is desired always to have corroboration to prevent 
or meet any damage suit by any person named, the 
affidavits of only one operative may be given out, 

43 


the corroborating affidavits of the other being with¬ 
held until needed. 

Don’t be scared by any official threat to issue sub¬ 
poenas to force production of evidence. If the prose¬ 
cuting attorney insists on trying to make court evi¬ 
dence out of the Committee’s information, and thus 
make the Committee do some of his work, he should 
be compelled to work in the open where the public can 
watch him. All he can do is to have the “PLAN” 
secretary brought in by due legal process, and, if the 
court so orders, make him give the names of the detec¬ 
tives. After that any notice to the detectives to appear 
in any prosecution will have to come in the regular 
way, at public expense, on the responsibility of the 
public prosecutor. 

The thing to do with a district attorney who gets 
Ugly is to fight back, out in the open, and publicly 
accuse him of trying to stop the work of informing the 
public as to conditions. Tell him frankly that if he 
had been half as anxious to catch and convict liquor 
sellers as to embarrass citizens who want the sale of 
liquor stopped, it would never have been necessary for 
private citizens to act. Look up the record of his 
activity since the beginning of national prohibition and 
publish it, and refuse to be scared off. The Anti-Saloon 
League if asked will gladly help make an example 
of wet public officials who attempt to bulldoze law- 
abiding citizens they are sworn to protect. 

DON’T FOSTER OFFICIAL LAZINESS 

There is an even more fundamental reason for re¬ 
fusing to furnish witnesses to public officials. It pro¬ 
motes official laziness and incompetence. When officials 
are forced to get their own evidence and compelled to 
rely upon their own efficiency to secure enough in fines 
from lawbreakers to reimburse the public treasury for 
punishing them, or measurably so, self-government has 
been made to function as it should. 

Every enforcement official should be held rigidly to 
the Roosevelt standard of official duty and fidelity, 
viz.: instead of stopping with technical compliance 
with the letter of what the law explicitly COMPELS 
him to do, an official should do everything along the 
general line of his official functions which the law 
PERMITS him to do to prevent, stop, and punish 
violation of law. 

For example, a prosecuting attorney knows better 
than anybody else what kind of evidence is required 
for conviction. He has not discharged his duty when 
he merely tries cases that are forced upon him. If 
he knows, Or ought to know that the law is being vio¬ 
lated, the public has a right to expect that he will 
do everything in reason which is not unlawful or im¬ 
proper, to obtain or promote the obtaining of sufficient 
evidence. His real responsibility is not just to punish 
some criminals, but so to administer his office as to 
HELP STOP CRIME. To illustrate, no prosecutor 
can fairly claim that he is unable to secure evidence 
unless, as is already being done by many alert, con¬ 
scientious officials, he insists upon infliction of the 
maximum penalty for persons convicted of drunken¬ 
ness unless they tell, under oath, where and from whom 
they obtained their liquor. Neither has a prosecu¬ 
tor done his best unless he has done his utmost to 
secure adequate imprisonment sentence for crim¬ 
inals OPERATING FOR PROFIT, to secure injunc¬ 
tions, closing places where liquor is sold in violation 
of the law and to exhaust all other remedies against 
the owners of property used for illegal purposes, 
nor unless he has done his utmost to secure imposi¬ 
tion of the “prohibitive tax”—(see Appendix, page 

44 


92), and has employed every other feature of the 
enforcement law which was inserted to make en¬ 
forcement possible when ordinary remedies fail. 

DON’T FLOAT EVIDENCE DURING POLITICAL FIGHT 

While of course a community cannot allow its en¬ 
forcement work to stop merely because the term of 
the local officials will expire “next year” or some months 
hence, it is important that the “PLAN” Committee 
should not publish any “YONKERS PLAN” evidence 
during the last four to six weeks of an election cam¬ 
paign where the law enforcement question is a political 
issue. What is published will either reflect on the 
officials, or some of them, or it will commend and 
help them, or some of them. In either case, a charge 
of partisan and factional purpose is inevitable. There 
is no need of raising the question of the non-partisan¬ 
ship and good faith of the “YONKERS PLAN” move¬ 
ment by any such publication during the last weeks of 
a local campaign. However, it may be well to obtain 
evidence during a campaign to show, if need be, that 
official immunity was granted in return for votes. 

DON’T RETAIN POLITICALLY AMBITIOUS LEADERS 

There have been many instances where a man promi¬ 
nent in a local movement has been approached by the 
political powers that were being disturbed and offered 
some political office. The acceptance of such an offer 
has often been unfortunate in its results. It is safer to 
have the control of the law enforcement movement in 
the hands of persons who have no ambition and cannot 
be induced to accept office. Any person who be¬ 
comes a candidate for any elective political position 
or accepts an appointive political position should 
immediately resign from any position of CONTROL 
of the local law enforcement organization. 

One cannot do full justice to both. The immediate 
interests are not the same,—and may clash. Refusal 
to resign from leadership of volunteer enforcement 
activity after accepting a political official position in 
connection with enforcement, or any kind of a position 
at the hands of a political organization which selects 
and controls the local enforcement officials, should be 
ample reason for a respectful but insistent request for 
resignation, to free the movement from suspicion on 
the one hand or possible political control on the other. 
Law enforcement must not only be untrammelled; it 
must be clearly seen to be so. 

DON’T TAKE TOO MUCH FOR GRANTED 

Do not assume, merely because YOU know that two- 
thirds of the States were dry before National Pro¬ 
hibition went into effect as well as most of the area 
of the others, that everybody knows this. It is posi¬ 
tively amazing how many people, not only of ordinary 
intelligence but with special opportunity to be well-in¬ 
formed, do not yet know this after nearly three years 
since the ratification of prohibition. A host of per¬ 
fectly sincere, generally intelligent people still believe 
there was something tricky and wrong about the way 
the prohibition amendment was “put over,” to use 
their phrase. The wet newspaper propaganda to this 
effect is perhaps the most successful instance on record 
of “selling” a lie to the American people. 

Men and women wtm ought to know better are still 
repeating, parrot-like, that it was “unfair to adopt 
prohibition while the soldiers were in France.” It 
never occurs to them until it is suggested that t+ie Con¬ 
gress that submitted prohibition was elected before this 
country entered the war at all, when the soldiers were 
at home and voting on this issue in most Congressional 

45 


districts. There are millions of sensible people upon 
whose comprehension it has not yet dawned that the 
men who were wet who later became soldiers voted for 
wet Congressmen, and the drys voted for dry Congress¬ 
men and elected a Congress which voted for sub¬ 
mission by the necessary two-to-one-plus. 

One of the main reasons for the bitterness of feeling 
against prohibition that exists in wet cities, is that 
the liquor interests, with the aid of most of the city 
newspapers throughout the Nation, have succeeded in 
deceiving the public and in convincing tens of thousands 
of men and women that their rights were taken away 
from them by a “trick.” This is the explanation of the 
common statement: “I am not for the saloon and 
I don’t know that I am opposed to prohibition, but I 
am opposed to the way it was done,” although it was 
done in the regular way and by a larger vote than 
any other amendment to the United States Consti¬ 
tution ever received. Any program for law enforce¬ 
ment, especially the program of a local organization 
like the “ALLIED CITIZENS,” which does not con¬ 
template setting right the intelligent, well-meaning 
and naturally law-abiding citizens who have been 
deceived in this way, will fall short. If necessary, 
call upon the Anti-Saloon League for material. 

DON’T THINK YOU ARE FIGHTING LIQUOR SELLERS ONLY 

It is not only the liquor traffic of all America (see 
Chapter 5) that must be contended against, but every 
other phase of vice and wickedness which has become 
commercialized and syndicated is making common cause 
with the outlaw liquor interests against the enforcement 
of prohibition. The profits of all phases of gambling 
and the social evil, the other members of the old 
“trinity of hell,” and of everything else that panders 
to the weakness of human nature will be gradually 
curtailed unless prohibition can be broken down. 

DON’T QUIT 

The most important “don’t” is “Don’t quit.” More 
is accomplished by steadfastness than brilliancy. The 
hope of nullification lies in belief that the supporters of 
law will become tired and indifferent. Evil, even liquor 
lawlessness, will succumb to persistent, militant right¬ 
eousness, but will give way to nothing less. The 
greater danger of si-lent, sullen, systematic evasion 
and personal violation of law will continue long 
after the politicians have discovered that open nulli¬ 
fication of prohibition by repeal or amendment of 
enforcement legislation is no longer a profitable or 
even a safe political issue. The enactment of na¬ 
tional prohibition was but the registration of na¬ 
tional desire for it: enforcement is required to prove 
national determination to have it. With nations as 
with individuals it is purpose and not mere desire 
that crystallizes into character. If the American 
nation, after shaking its fist in outlawing the liquor 
traffic, should simply shake its finger when con¬ 
fronted with the enforcement issue, it would not 
only become a joke throughout the world, but it 
would forfeit its own self-respect and abdicate its 
sovereignty at home. See “Battle Order” on page 93. 

The prohibition law must be enforced not merely 
because it is prohibition but primarily BECAUSE 
IT IS THE LAW. And if it takes a generation to 
carry into effect the determination of the American 
people to wipe out the liquor traffic, it will be the 
greatest generation’s work in the history of the 
world.. 


46 


Chapter 4. 


COMMUNITY ORGANIZATION FOR 
OTHER PHASES OF LAW ENFORCE¬ 
MENT—THE “ALLIED CITIZENS 
OF AMERICA, Inc.” 


NOTE:—Everything that is said here about the 
“ALLIED CITIZENS" or the principles underlying 
and involved in it, applies so far as in tact it is 
applicable, to any working equivalent of the “AL¬ 
LIED CITIZENS", regardless of its name. 


The “YONKERS PLAN” is solely a plan for pro¬ 
moting the enforcement of the law, primarily the pro¬ 
hibition law. The “ALLIED CITIZENS OF AMER¬ 
ICA, Incorporated to Uphold American Ideals and the 
United States Constitution,” is entitled to consideration 
in connection with the “YONKERS PLAN" only so 
far as it may be needed to facilitate the carrying out 
of that “PLAN.” It has other functions and stands 
on its own merits with respect to them. They are set 
out in this chapter, distinct from the “PLAN” itself, 
in order that every community which uses the “ALLIED 
CITIZENS” to promote the “YONKERS PLAN” may 
also have an opportunity to obtain the other benefits 
to be had through this system of local organization. 

THEORY AND PRACTICE 

Any community which has a single QUALIFIED 
leader and will back him with moderate funds CAN, 
by following the directions in this manual, successfully 
work the “YONKERS PLAN” temporarily through a 
special local committee for that purpose, independent 
of any other organization, local or general. 

Theoretically, this is true everywhere. PRACTI¬ 
CALLY not one community in a hundred WILL so 
work it as to secure lasting as well as immediate 
satisfactory results, except there be a local organiza¬ 
tion equivalent to the “ALLIED CITIZENS” to do 
the things the “YONKERS PLAN” does not and 
cannot do, and unless it has the help and advice of a 
general organization like the Anti-Saloon League. 

The Anti-Saloon League of a State can inaugurate 
and directly supervise in various communities the 
operation of this “PLAN” which epitomizes the 
League’s working law enforcement principles, with¬ 
out organizing the “ALLIED CITIZENS” or any 
similar medium locally. But there will be more of 
permanent value for each community, and many 
more comunities can be helped, if the local citizen¬ 
ship has been both generally enlisted for that pur¬ 
pose and then taught how to secure proper local ob¬ 
jectives through the functioning of local self-gov¬ 
ernment. No State organization can, without a top- 
heavy staff and prohibitive expense, do for all the 
communities of a State even the proper things they 
can and will do for themselves, when they are once 
organized, trained, and set going. 

47 



THE NEEDED LINK 

The Anti-Saloon League is a LEAGUE of organiza¬ 
tions. It has no individual membership. This has 
made possible the flexibility which has been so large 
a factor in its marvelous success thus far. It has been 
an element of strength. It is also an element of weak¬ 
ness. Recognizing this, various State Anti-Saloon 
Leagues have inaugurated a local committee system or 
some other plan of their own to supply the need of a 
vital direct touch with individual men and women voters. 

The “ALLIED CITIZENS OF AMERICA” is merely 
a more thoroughly elaborated and completely tested 
provision for meeting this admitted need, on a basis 
broad eilough to serve every legitimate civic and pat¬ 
riotic interest. 

UNSUPERVISED ORGANIZATIONS COMMONLY FUTILE 

Over a quarter of a century of work has proved that 
the average unsupervised local law enforcement or¬ 
ganization not only will not accomplish any perma¬ 
nent, material good, but may become an actual men¬ 
ace to the cause. Any person who tries to get a 
local organization to secede from connection with a 
general enforcement movement thereby proves his 
incompetence or lack of grasp, or he has some ul¬ 
terior object that will not stand scrutiny. The in¬ 
corrigible “individualist” has no proper place in the 
control of a CO-OPERATIVE movement. 

Any reasonably comprehensive working system of 
local organization projected and consistently main¬ 
tained by an efficient State Anti-Saloon League man¬ 
agement and backed by the educated militant con¬ 
stituency of such a League will accomplish more for 
enforcement in every community than can be accom¬ 
plished in any community through any ideal paper 
plan without such backing. 

For this reason the “ALLIED CITIZENS” general 
management will refuse to authorize the use of the 
mftne “ALLIED CITIZENS OF AMERICA” by a 
local organization unless provision has been made 
for adequate State organization and superintendence 
on a practical and permanent basis. 

The success of the “ALLIED CITIZENS” in New 
York has been due to the fact that while it appeals to 
and reaches a wider constituency than has been enlisted 
under the name of the Anti-Saloon League and covers 
a broader field than the League, still it was pro¬ 
jected by and has worked in harmony with the 
League. 

The secret of the remarkable efficiency of the “AL¬ 
LIED CITIZENS” in New York State, the general 
spirit of harmony, and its cordial acceptance of the 
policies of the Anti-Saloon League, lies in the care 
taken to secure on each initial Board of Directors 
from which the officers are chosen, not only good, 
influential, prominent people of courage and moral 
conviction, but those who have these qualities plus 
capacity for team-work, recognition of the need of 
aggressiveness, and sufficient experience and prac¬ 
tical common sense to be neither stampeded by hul¬ 
labaloo nor swerved by pressure. There are such 
people in practically every community. If any 
community has none such, its first step toward or¬ 
ganization should be to try to develop some. 

OFFERED FREELY WITH SAFEGUARDS 

In the meantime this enforcement manual makes 
freely available, everything that has been learned by 
the “ALLIED CITIZENS,” including the use of cov¬ 
enant, statement of purposes, and constitution. It 
or any of it can be used by any State Anti-Saloon 

48 


League which so desires, under the name of “CITI¬ 
ZENS ALLIANCE” or any other name. Or it is 

open to any community which desires to make 
emergency local use of it under the name of the 
“CITIZENS ALLIANCE OF (name of community),” 
with the intention of co-operating in whatever is 
the recognized State-wide, going movement for law 
enforcement in that State. 

Adoption of the “ALLIED CITIZENS” program, 
covenant and constitution by an independent local 
organization will facilitate state and national affilia¬ 
tion if that is ever desired. Any local “CITIZENS 
ALLIANCE” or equivalent organization can send 
the names of its covenanted members to the Anti- 
Saloon League of its own State, which can then send 
them its bulletins covering state campaigns to 
strengthen or protect enforcement laws. 

The name “ALLIED CITIZENS OF AMERICA” is 
protected throughout the nation by the terms of in¬ 
corporation. For further protection this manual 
and all contents are copyrighted. No permission 
will be granted to use that name or the basis of 
organization set out in this manual except in harmony 
with the conditions and general principles herein. 

WHY NATIONAL IN SCOPE AND NAME 

The only kind of citizenship, so far as upholding the 
Federal Constitution and laws to make that instru¬ 
ment effective is concerned, is AMERICAN citizenship. 
Since the “ALLIED CITIZENS OF AMERICA, Inc., 
is to uphold the Constitution and American ideals 
it could not be built on mere State citizenship, 
therefore, or a State name. Its title had to be as 
inclusive as its aims, and being of necessity national 
in its character, its experience, purposes, methods 
and name can be useful anywhere in the nation. 

INDEPENDENT STATE ORGANIZATIONS 

It is doubtless well to assure the pathologically cau¬ 
tious that the general organization of the “ALLIED 
CITIZENS” can have no possible control over any 
covenanted member beyond what is inherent in the 
accuracy of the information and the wisdom of the 
advice given him. 

It ought to be clear, also, that the “ALLIED CITI¬ 
ZENS” can have no control of any kind over any 
local “CITIZENS ALLIANCE” or other organization 
equivalent to the “ALLIED CITIZENS,” or over any 
member of it, even though it may be modeled after 
the “ALLIED CITIZENS” and uses the “ALLIED 
CITIZENS” covenant. Such local organization or 
State system of organization may continue perma¬ 
nently under some other name without connection 
with, obligation to, or’supervision by, the “ALLIED 
CITIZENS OF AMERICA.” 

If a local organization similar to the “ALLIED CITI¬ 
ZENS,” or a State association of similar but differently 
named local organizations, wants the benefit of the 
“ALLIED CITIZENS” name and fellowship, it is at 
liberty to ask for a charter, which the “ALLIED CITI¬ 
ZENS OF AMERICA, Inc.” is equally free to grant 
or refuse. Obviously, if any State association of simi¬ 
lar local organizations is ever accepted into the “AL¬ 
LIED CITIZENS OF AMERICA,” that State associa¬ 
tion will continue to define its own attitude on State 
issues within its own State. 

If a union of State organizations under the name 
“ALLIED CITIZENS OF AMERICA, Inc.” is ever 
proposed or achieved the terms of union will be a 
proper subject for mutual agreement at the time. So 
far, however, this is a purely academic question. 

No community outside of New York State is urged 


to adopt the “ALLIED CITIZENS,” and any com¬ 
munity which does so must take it as it stands and 
comply with the necessary safeguards respecting super¬ 
intendence, or else not use the name. 

ITS COMPREHENSIVE PROGRAM 

The purposes of the “ALLIED CITIZENS OF 
AMERICA, Inc.” (as set out in its certificate of incor¬ 
poration as a national organization under the laws of 
the State of New York) are: 

1. To unite citizens without regard to creed or party to uphold 
American ideals and the United States Constitution. 

2. To develop and foster sentiment favorable to the enforce¬ 
ment of the Eighteenth Amendment to the Federal Consti¬ 
tution as a national effort to promote the health, happiness, 
morals and general welfare of the people of the United 
States and to preserve the integrity of the American home. 

3. To promote belief in the Constitution of the United States 
as a living instrument answerable to orderly social progress 
and respect for it as essential to willing, general observance 
of law. 

4. To combat by an educational service any person or organi¬ 
zation that preaches sedition or defiance of law or practices 
rebellion against orderly processes of government: 

5. To train citizens in every community to meet problems of 
official negligence or incompetence with respect to the en¬ 
forcement of law. 

6. To teach, to those who do not understand, the justice, fair¬ 
ness and responsiveness of the American system of govern¬ 
ment, and the rightful authority of any law, while it is the 
law, enacted under that system. 

7. To aid in assimilating into American social and civic life 
illiterate.,and isolated alien groups of the population by help¬ 
ing them master the language and comprehend the spirit of 
the Constitution. 

8. To organize, in towns, villages and cities, and in each coun¬ 
ty and state, the men and women citizens who will co-oper¬ 
ate for the above purposes, and to advise and instruct them 
how to achieve those ends. 

9. To further in any other lawful way these purposes. 

It is a moral, patriotic, non-partisan organization of 
covenanted members. Rising above creed it welcomes 
all—Protestant, Catholic, Jew—who stand for its pur¬ 
poses. 

To encourage foreign-speaking residents to master 
the language of the Constitution, it will officially use no 
language save English and will not accept any persons 
to membership save those who, in addition to other 
qualifications, are able to read and sign its covenant. 

While free to express approval or disapproval, 
the general organization and officers will not engage 
in any sort of political activity to promote or defeat any 
proposal relating to the purposes above set out. This 
leaves the members, individually, and associated in 
their respective localities, free to determine how, and 
to what extent, they, as citizens, will work to carry 
out the purposes they have approved. 

It holds that personal liberty ends where public 
injury begins, and stands for a spirit of service and 
sacrifice for the common good. 

THE LOGICAL NEXT STEP 

The Anti-Saloon League began as an agency advo¬ 
cating laws through which the people might effectively 
vote against the liquor traffic. But it found that the 
traffic, aided by other special interests, so controlled 
politics and dominated legislators that they would 
neither prohibit it themselves nor allow the people to 
do so by their own votes. So it became necessary to 
teach the people how to break that strangle-hold. The 
League had to enter politics to do it because it was 
through politics that the liquor traffic exercised its 
control. And thus the Anti-Saloon League had to be¬ 
come a great civic training agency and teach the people 
how to make the legislative branch of their respective 
governments responsive to the public will. 

Now that prohibition is the law, and enforcement is 
the task, the same subversive liquor forces are found 
to have a similar and wide control of the local gov- 

50 


ernmental ^agencies of enforcement, and to dominate 
local enforcement executives throughout the range of 
lesser political units. The people must be taught how 
to break this grip—how to make local enforcement offi¬ 
cials responsive. As it cannot be done for them, this 
involves local political action, because the opposing 
control is exerted politically. The activity must be 
local, because enforcement is largely a local issue, 
handled by local officials. To wield local sentiment for 
law and order a local organization is required. Local 
conditions cannot be purified without the raising of a 
local moral issue. 

This is particularly true of municipalities, which are 
peculiarly fester-centers in our American system of 
government. Therefore not only prohibition enforce¬ 
ment, but the perpetuity of free representative govern¬ 
ment, depends upon using local moral sentiment, through 
an adequate system of local organization, to inject this 
fundamental, moral issue into local affairs everywhere, 
until observance of law becomes a matter of course. A 
vital moral issue furnishes both the rallying power that 
enlists the moral element of a community to improve 
conditions generally in order that the particular moral 
issue may have a fair chance on its merits, and also the 
driving power which, under wise leadership, impels that 
element to see the thing through. It supplies a 
“moral equivalent of war.” 

GENERAL ORGANIZATION EDUCATIONAL IN SCOPE 

The function of the GENERAL ORGANIZATION 
of the “ALLIED CITIZENS” is distinctly educational, 
and it will not engage in any political activity of any 
sort. While its purpose is to inspire and train the citi¬ 
zenship of each community to work out their own civic 
salvation by giving effect to local law-and-order senti¬ 
ment through choice of competent conscientious local 
officials, it will not decide which candidates shall be 
supported in any locality. When State-wide enforce¬ 
ment issues arise, involving for example the choice of 
an efficient State executive or one in favor of protect¬ 
ing existing or passing additional enforcement legis¬ 
lation, even then the general organization of the AL¬ 
LIED CITIZENS” will make no statement and take 
no action calculated to influence the choice. It will 
hold undeviatingly to its educational character and 
leave the questioning, discussion and recommenda¬ 
tion of candidates for State offices affecting en¬ 
forcement to the State organization of the Anti- 
Saloon League, which is already active in that field. 

The “ALLIED CITIZENS” is also the only work¬ 
ing, comprehensive answer to the more than a score 
of newly-formed pro-liquor leagues and associations 
which are locally listing individual members and then 
endeavoring to make an impression upon legislators 
and enforcement officials by pyramiding their member¬ 
ships, when in fact many of the same people join all. 

NOTHING ELSE DOES IT 

Every local officer shown by the “YONKERS PLAN” 
to be negligent or incompetent needs to know also that 
his fellow-citizens are united locally without regard to 
creed or party to stand by officials who are efficient 
exponents of law, and to deal duly with those who 
are not. Prosecuting attorneys, judges and magis¬ 
trates need to feel the backing of organized bodies of 
citizens pledged to support them in the faithful exe¬ 
cution of the laws. The trouble with the government 
of municipalities and counties is that respect for law 
has never been made a continuously live issue in them. 
The weakness of prosecutions and the difficulty with 
trials has been due to the perpetual presence and pres- 

51 


sure of the enemies of the law, and the absence and 
utter indifference of the friends of law. 

Enemies of order have always flocked together for 
self-protection. Friends of order have thought and 
felt individually, but disorganizedly and without effect. 
None but the citizens of a community can make gov¬ 
ernment function truly there. They cannot do it 
without being united to uphold law and make their 
unison on .that issue felt. That is the “WHY?” of 
the “ALLIED CITIZENS OF AMERICA, Inc.” 

In the State of New York members of. its local 
divisions have thronged court-rooms, when important 
cases were on, to give moral backing to the officials— 
and to keep tab on their performances. “ALLIED 
CITIZENS” have gone en masse to local municipal 
councils to plead or protest. They have answered the 
lawless through the newspapers. They have carried 
the issue of observance of the law into their local 
voting and have given place and power to official expo¬ 
nents of orderly government. They keep at work to 
extend the number of citizens in their communities 
who stand together in covenanted union to uphold all 
law. They are so raising the issue of law in muni¬ 
cipalities, towns and counties as to give public officials 
a new consciousness of the public’s interest in the 
things that officials are appointed and set by law to do. 

AMERICANIZES AMERICANS 

The “ALLIED CITIZENS OF AMERICA, Incor¬ 
porated to Uphold American Ideals and the United 
States Constitution,” offers the best name and platform 
yet proposed for “Americanization” work. In addition, 
—IT WORKS. With over 200,000 covenanted mem¬ 
bers of voting age and nearly 500 local “Divisions” in 
the Empire State which accounted for more than the 
margin which elected a law enforcement Governor, it 
has passed the stage of theory and experiment. 

Without disparaging or interfering with any wise, 
earnest effort to Americanize the foreigner among 
us, it is self-evident that much “Americanization” 
work needs yet to be done among native Americans 
who have joined the defeated German brewers and 
the discredited “German-American Alliance” in an at¬ 
tack upon a portion of the Constitution which pecul¬ 
iarly expresses American conscience and character. 

The “Americanization” of those of foreign birth and 
parentage will have progressed farther by the end of a 
25-year period if AMERICANS are Americanized suf¬ 
ficiently to respect laws adopted under the American 
principles of majority rule and self-government, than 
if something of our language and of American history 
and institutions is taught to aliens and foreign-speak¬ 
ing citizens who are then left to imitate so-called 
American citizens who practice or connive at anarchy 
with respect to a particular law which they do not like. 

RALLIES NATIVE AND ALIEN TOO 

When American citizens have been united through a 
covenant to uphold the law it will be possible to set 
the American citizenship of entire communities at 
work upon “Americanization.” This will give better 
and quicker results than carrying on restricted “Amer¬ 
icanization” programs at the expense of a few who 
may be suspected of a selfish, ulterior motive. 

The Americanism of Americans must be made evi¬ 
dent before “Americanization” work among others has 
a fair chance. An “ALLIED CITIZENS OF AMER¬ 
ICA” organization through which the citizens of a com¬ 
munity exemplify their own patriotism and together 
uphold civil liberty under law will not only make true 
Americanism dominant, but it can take its pick of 

52 


“Americanization” programs for aliens offered by 
acknowledged experts in that work. 

DESIGNED TO MEET ENTIRE NEED 

The “ALLIED CITIZENS” can, if desired, be used 
solely to push the “YONKERS PLAN” or to put on 
an “Americanization” program. But so to restrict it 
would be inexcusable waste of power and opportunity, 
because the “ALLIED CITIZENS” is “good for what 
ails” the country. It is broad enough in its conception 
and deep enough in its reach to be the means of heal¬ 
ing that continuous source of social poison in America 
—local misgovernment. 

If there is no local organization as a rallying point 
for public-spirited citizens some problems connected 
with enforcement will never be met. If there is such 
an organization, but one capable of only half the en¬ 
forcement program the community needs, it will be 
pushed aside when the people get ready to meet their 
local needs fully. This means a dissipation of civic 
power, in the form of aroused public sentiment, through 
a confused effort to find an ampler channel or more 
adequate vehicle for it. 

It is wiser, therefore, to start upon a basis broad 
enough to deal with anything that may come up, and, 
by training the people to militant efficiency on one 
issue, teach them how to get results on others. 

GRINDS ONLY WHEN THERE IS GRIST 

A local “ALLIED CITIZENS” organization need not 
always require much of the time of its officers and the 
attention of its members. The quickest way to kill 
even a promising local organization is to try to keep 
wheels grinding without grist. 

If the “YONKERS PLAN” be well started, the 
“PLAN” fund raised, the friends of law banded to¬ 
gether in a local division of the “ALLIED CITIZENS,” 
and contact established with the Anti-Saloon League, 
further immediate activities aside from the “PLAN” 
and the local ordinance referred to in this chapter 
will depend on events and conditions. If public officials 
still prove recreant in the face of exposure, indignation 
meetings arranged by the “ALLIED CITIZENS” and 
a volley of letters from “ALLIED CITIZENS” mem¬ 
bers to the local papers will help. If court results 
are contrary to the evidence, public agitation and attend¬ 
ance of members during trial will help tone up public 
opinion and increase official earnestness. The sym¬ 
metry and logical completeness of the three-fold 
program (see page 76) will increasingly and cumu¬ 
latively commend themselves to all intelligent, fair- 
minded citizens, including those who at first were 
inclined to be suspicious and skeptical. 

NO SIN TO BE SENSIBLE 

The local program, beyond routine necessary to 
keep the organization intact and its offices filled, will 
depend upon what it is necessary to do,—or coun¬ 
teract. A local “ALLIED CITIZENS” division is no 
more dead between efforts than a political party is 
dead locally between campaigns. An efficient sys¬ 
tem of local organization does not demand useless 
effort.- It is no sin to be sensible. 

The “ALLIED CITIZENS” is an emergency or¬ 
ganization—like a fire department, which is not 
always driving through the streets with bell clanging 
or siren sounding and the muffler cut out, but is 
ready to act when needed. 

A higher grade of men and women will serve as 
officers in the local organization in many places if 
they understand; (1) that they are not called upon 

53 


to be active unless there is something to be active 
about; and (2), that they are backed and will be 
helped by an organization like the Anti-Saloon 
League. 

A COVENANTED MEMBERSHIP 

Any person who signs the covenant of the “ALLIED 
CITIZENS OF AMERICA" thereby becomes an 
active member, to remain such until he dies or asks 
to be dropped. 

That covenant is as follows: 

“Desiring to have part in promoting morality and patriot¬ 
ism, and the civic welfare of my community, I hereby sub¬ 
scribe myself a member of the ‘ALLIED CITIZENS OF 
AMERICA, INC.,' and covenant with other members to uphold 
American ideals and the Constitution of the United States 
(including the Eighteenth Amendment thereto) and to co-op¬ 
erate in all proper efforts to- maintain due respect for all laws 
—local, state and national.’’ 

There is no financial obligation attached to active 
membership. This policy was adopted with great de¬ 
liberation, after careful study and observation and 
not until, starting with an apparently successful 
local organization of the paid membership type, the 
Anti-Saloon League of New York first incorporated, 
under a different, appropriate name, a State-wide-cit- 
izens’ organization on this basis, and, after spending 
over a year of time, much effort and some money, 
found that a considerable proportion of the persons 
in every community who desire to co-operate and 
whose help is needed were automatically excluded 
by an obligatory membership fee. In recognition of 
this fact, the “ALLIED CITIZENS" was started to 
meet the nation’s imperative need of A PATRIOTIC 
ENROLLMENT FOR LAW AND ORDER, uncom¬ 
plicated with any other issue or interest. 

Some persons who favor observing and enforcing law 
would suspect an ulterior motive back of any member¬ 
ship proposal which requires a fee, no matter how 
small. A few will always be skeptical and suspicious 
because they are constituted that way. Even a dollar 
membership fee would keep out both classes as well 
as all those who would gladly pay it but cannot. Often 
there are several prospective members in a single 
family where a membership fee would be a burden. It 
would be wrong either to deprive the cause of the 
benefit of their votes, moral influence, and possible 
personal services, or to deprive them of an oppor¬ 
tunity to help upon a comfortable, self-respecting basis. 

If every man or woman citizen is offered, not an asso¬ 
ciate membership but an ACTIVE membership, with 
the distinct understanding that there is no obligation 
express or implied to pay any money except as he or she 
may desire, then there is no excuse for refusing to 
join the “ALLIED CITIZENS OF AMERICA" except 
opposition to what it stands for. This makes it pos¬ 
sible to enlist everybody who is willing to go on 
record for upholding the law. 

MEETING THE EXPENSES 

It is evident to any thinking person that projecting, 
organizing and supervising the work of the “ALLIED 
CITIZENS" is impossible unless funds for that pur¬ 
pose are furnished by somebody, in some way. It 
would have been impossible to start the work success¬ 
fully in New York if this expense had not been carried 
by the Anti-Saloon League. And the Anti-Saloon 
League of New York could not have carried it without 
special contributions for that purpose. Even now, 
with the trails broken, it will be impossible for a 
State Anti-Saloon League to start and develop the 
“ALLIED CITIZENS" sufficiently for aroused, in¬ 
formed citizens, organized locally, to hold the bal¬ 
ance of power in a state on the enforcement 

54 


issue, or keep it functioning effectively unless it be¬ 
comes self-supporting or substantial contributions are 
received for that specific purpose. 

It is necessary, therefore, to provide that those ac¬ 
tive members who desire to repay the expense of the 
missionary work which enlisted their interest may do 
so, in order that further extension of the “ALLIED 
CITIZENS” may proceed. Others able to do so are 
invited to aid in the enlargement of the work of or¬ 
ganization so as to hasten the time when the law- 
abiding citizens of every community will have a well- 
organized, efficiently functioning means of making their 
sentiment operative. For these purposes members of 
the “ALLIED CITIZENS” who can do so should be 
asked to become “SUSTAINING” or “CONTRIBUT¬ 
ING” members in addition to being active members. 

SUSTAINING AND CONTRIBUTING MEMBERS 

A “SUSTAINING” member of the “ALLIED CITI¬ 
ZENS OF AMERICA, Inc.” is one who pays one dol¬ 
lar ($1) per year. 

“CONTRIBUTING” memberships are in five classes: 
Class A who pay $100 per year 

Class B who pay $50 per year 

Class C who pay $25 per year 

Class D who pay $10 per year 

Class E who pay $5 per year 

DEPENDENCE UPON GENERAL ORGANIZATION 

Most of the work of getting information to individual 
members of the “ALLIED CITIZENS” and the local 
voting citizenship will have to be taken care of for 
the local division by the state or general organization, 
which, with its consolidated facilities and better equip¬ 
ment for mailing, can do it more cheaply. In a case 
where the state organization has not the funds to do 
what the local organization wants, and the latter is 
willing to pay the cost of the special service, the work 
can be done at the state headquarters at local expense 
more cheaply than the local organization can do it 
for itself. 

Where it would cost a small city or large town from 
three to five thousand dollars a year to employ a sec¬ 
retary and maintain an office and get out even routine 
information, equally efficient service can be furnished 
by a centralized organization under expert supervision 
for as many hundreds of dollars. 

There can be no occasion or excuse, no matter 
how apparently urgent may be the call, for local 
“ALLIED CITIZENS” taking subscriptions at any 
church service. For reasons previously given, this 
course would be unwise even in raising the “YON¬ 
KERS PLAN” fund. With that raised the average 
local “ALLIED CITIZENS” organization has no 
need for any large sum of money. If it does need 
money its local officers should either themselves go 
out and raise it by showing the need for it to the 
members and friends who are able and willing to 
help, or else make their case so strong as to be able 
to secure committees from the membership who will 
raise it. Solicitation at church services or requests 
that churches themselves take collections for it will 
not only destroy the welcome which the local “AL¬ 
LIED CITIZENS” ought always to have in the local 
churches, but it will secure far less money than a 
reasonable effort at personal solicitation. There is 
no objection to a mere cash offering for incidental 
expenses at a public meeting in behalf of enforcement. 

DIVISION OF FUNDS 

The general organization will turn back to each 
local division, so long as it maintains an active local 

55 


organization, one dollar out of every “contributing” 
membership paid by any active member living within 
the territory of such local division. This is to cover 
the routine expenses of the local branch, such as 
postage, printing and the incidental expenses of 
local meetings, but is not to be used to do law en¬ 
forcement work in general, or push the “YONK¬ 
ERS PLAN” in particular. With this exception, 
the funds accruing from memberships and other 
sources will go to and be used by the general or¬ 
ganization for extension and educational work. 

If, due to strong local sentiment and an unusually 
large and aggressive local membership, there should 
be a surplus above routine expenses left at the end 
of the year from the local portion of these “con¬ 
tributing” memberships, it will be productive of 
more good if, save for enough balance to take care 
of incidentals until the new “contributing” member¬ 
ships are paid, the surplus in the local treasury be 
given back to the general organization for extension 
purposes. The hoarding of an accumulated fund 
for which there is no local use tends toward stag¬ 
nation and disintegration, while the extension and 
educational needs of the general organization will 
exceed all ability to meet them for many years. 

SPECIAL FUNDS FOR SPECIAL FURPOSES 

If there is a special community task of other than 
routine sort which the local organization wants to 
undertake, money may be solicited and spent for 
that particular purpose. It is far easier to raise 
money to do a specific, approved, timely thing than 
to raise it merely to be put into a treasury to be ap¬ 
propriated and spent later as a board may decide. 
Where a local organization has not enough “con¬ 
tributing” members for its share of the receipts 
from that source to take care of local routine ex¬ 
penses, such memberships will have to be increased 
by the co-operative effort of the general and the 
respective local organizations, or such expenses will 
have to be provided for through local contributions. 

Every “contributing” member who wishes it (re¬ 
questing appropriation of a part of his fee for that 
purpose to comply with the postal law) will receive 
without charge for the period covered by his pay¬ 
ment, either the state or national publication of the 
Anti-Saloon League or a special “ALLIED CITI¬ 
ZENS” bulletin or publication if one is issued, as 
may be decided. A periodical which is printed in 
regular course and mailable at pound rates is more 
satisfactory, and cheaper in proportion to the ser¬ 
vice rendered, than special bulletins issued at irreg¬ 
ular intervals which have to carry stamp postage. 


EXPENSES OF THE GENERAL ORGANIZATION 

Speaking approximately, one-half of the general 
organization’s receipts from “sustaining” and “con¬ 
tributing” memberships will be used in continuous 
general superintendence of the respective local di¬ 
visions, in furnishing legal counsel and expert ad¬ 
vice in specific local enforcement efforts, and in 
sending information to the individual members and 
the voters of the respective communities. 

In order to enable the people of every locality to 
contend on even terms with the forces of lawless-- 
ness, the other half will be used to extend the organ¬ 
ization in new communities, educating and inform¬ 
ing the people about matters which have to do with 
the upholding of the law, maintaining the compe¬ 
tent organizers needed for this special work and 

56 


paying their expenses such as railroad fares and 
hotel bills where local subsistence is not contributed. 

A system of organization for the enforcement of the 
law is no exception to the universal rule that it is im¬ 
possible to get out of anything any more than is put 
into it in effort, or money, or both. The “ALLIED 
CITIZENS” has no occult power and no secret of 
perpetual motion. 

A MODEL CONSTITUTION 

The following is the constitution of a local branch 
(known as a Division) of the “ALLIED CITIZENS 
OF AMERICA, Inc.,” In New York State printed 
copies of the official form and the services of an or¬ 
ganizer may be obtained on application. For local, 
unchartered groups outside of New York the name 
“ALLIED CITIZENS OF AMERICA”, wherever it 
occurs, should be changed to the “CITIZENS ALLI¬ 
ANCE OF (name of community)”: 

CONSTITUTION AND BY-LAWS OF THE ALLIED CITI¬ 
ZENS OF AMERICA, INC., FOR DIVISIONS WITHIN 
COUNTIES IN NEW YORK STATE 

I.—NAME 

This organization shall be the.Division of the 

New York State Department of the Allied Citizens of America, 
Inc., and shall operate in loyal co-operation with all other Di¬ 
visions and Departments of The Allied Citizens of America. 

II.—PURPOSE 

Its purposes shall be those of the State Department of the 
incorporated body of which it is a part, which broadly stated, 
are the upholding of American Ideals, the Constitution and 
Laws of the United States and the State, and all local ord¬ 
inances. 

III.—MEMBERSHIP 

Any citizen in New York State may become a member by 
signing the following covenant: 

IV.—COVENANT 

Desiring to have part in promoting morality and patriot¬ 
ism, and the civic welfare of my community, I hereby sub¬ 
scribe myself a member of The Allied Citizens of America, and 
covenant with other members to uphold American Ideals and 
the Constitution of the United States (including the Eigh¬ 
teenth Amendment thereto) and to co-operate in all proper 
efforts to maintain due respect for all laws—local, state and 
national. 

(It is understood that a signature to this does not bind the 
signer to pay any money.) 

V.—OFFICERS 

1. The officers of each Division shall consist of a President, 
a Vice-President, a Secretary, and a Treasurer. 

These officers shall be elected by the Board of Directors 
(which shall number at least eight) from among their own 
number immediately after the said Board is constituted, they 
and the other members of the Board to serve until the first 
Biennial Meeting. 

Z. The Biennial Meeting shall be held in the period begin¬ 
ning the first of April and ending the thirtieth of June in the 
even numbered years beginning 1922, at a time and place to be 
decided upon by a majority of the Executive Committee, notice 
of meeting for such purpose to be sent to each member of the 
Committee at least two weeks prior to the meeting. All living 
within the territory of this Division who have signed the cov¬ 
enant card shall be eligible to vote at the annual meeting, 
notice of which shall be reasonably published (at least thirty 
hours) prior to the hour of the meeting. At the first Biennial 
Meeting the Directors shall be elected to serve for two years. 
Nomination for Director shall be by petition; the signatures of 
five members shall be necessary to the nomination of any can¬ 
didate for the position of Director. Election shall be by secret 
ballot; each member shall vote for the number of Directors 
to be elected: A majority of the votes cast shall be necessary 
for election. Immediately after each Biennial Meeting the 
Board of Directors shall elect officers for the ensuing two 
years. 

VI.—EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE 

The Board of Directors, and the chairmen of the standing 
committees appointed by the Directors, shall together consti¬ 
tute the Executive Committee. 

57 



VII.—MEETINGS 

Meetings of the Board of Directors shall be held upon call of 
the President or upon a signed call of five members. 

Meetings of the Executive Committee shall be held immedi¬ 
ately following the meeting of the Directors. 

The Secretary shall notify all members of the Board of Di¬ 
rectors and of the Executive Committee of any meeting of said 
Board or Committee at least thirty hours in advance of any 
such meeting or meetings. 

Special meetings of the Division may be called by a majority 
vole of those present at any Executive Committee meeting, 
either by personal notice, or by notice reasonably published at 
least thirty hours prior to the hour of the meeting. 

VI.—AMENDMENTS 

Amendments to the Constitution or By-Laws may be pro¬ 
posed at any meeting of the Division by a two-thirds vote of 
those present and voting, but no proposed amendment shall 
take effect until it shall have been approved successively by 
the local Executive Committee and the State Executive Com¬ 
mittee. 


BY-LAWS 

PRESIDENT: 

The duties of the President and Vice-President shall be such 
as usually pertain to these offices. 

SECRETARY: 

The duty of the Secretary shall be to keep a full and accu¬ 
rate record of the proceedings of the organization, to attend to 
its correspondence, and to keep true copies of all covenants 
signed by citizens living in the community and to send the 
original cards to the headquarters of the Department of New 
York State. 

TREASURER: 

The duty of the Treasurer shall be such as usually pertains 
to this office. 

BOARD OF DIRECTORS: 

The Board of Directors shall have power to fill all vacancies 
in its membership or in that of the Executive Committee. 

No bills shall be paid until approved by the Board of Di¬ 
rectors. 

EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE: 

The Executive Committee shall be charged with the general 
direction of the organization’s activities; shall be responsible 
for the planning of its work and devising ways and means for 
its development, welfare and usefulness, in co-operation with 
the general officers and directors. 

The Executive Committee may appoint special committees 
that shall represent it and have supervision of any special in¬ 
terest, activity or department of work. 

The Executive Committee shall have full power to act for its 
Division in an emergency, but it shall not, and no officer or 
member thereof shall, bring any suit or legal proceedings of 
any sort in the name of the Allied Citizens of America, or make 
the organization financially responsible for any costs or ex¬ 
penses connected with any legal proceeding without the con¬ 
sent of the State Executive Committee. 

Adopting the foregoing Constitution and By-Laws, we the 

members of the Allied Citizens of America,. 

Division,.County, pledge loyal co-operation 

with all other Divisions and Departments of the Allied Citizens 
of America. 


President 


Secretary ...-r.. 

The “ALLIED CITIZENS OF AMERICA” also has 
a “TRUE BLUE JUNIOR DEPARTMENT”.. The 

covenant card for this department is blue, the word¬ 
ing of the covenant being the same except that it 
says “Junior Department” and the blank provides 
for a statement of the age of the signer as well as 
the date. This can be used in the Intermediate 
and Senior Departments of the Sunday Schools and 
young people’s organizations, such as the Epworth 
League and Christian Endeavor. It is well worth 
while to interest the young people of .the commun¬ 
ity in the enforcement of law before they become 
voters. THEY are the ones who must finally settle 
the question of prohibition enforcement if there is 

58 







to be no civic back-sliding. Many of them will be 
glad to render definite local service, such as the 
distribution of literature. 

STANDING COMMITTEES 

The Executive Committee of the “ALLIED CITI¬ 
ZENS” alone has authority to interrogate candi¬ 
dates for local offices relating to enforcement as to 
their attitude and proposed policy toward uphold¬ 
ing the law, and to publish their replies; or to ap¬ 
prove or protest in the name of the organization 
respecting the selection of any candidate for an ap¬ 
pointive position which vitally affects enforcement. 

The following additional committees are provided 
for in New York and are recommended for every 
community, their chairmen being members of the 
local Executive Committee: 

(1) Advisory Committee, composed entirely of 
clergymen which should also undertake to enlist the 
active co-operation of every local clergyman. 

(2) Publicity Committee, which is responsible for 
furnishing an answer to every misrepresentation 
published respecting prohibition enforcement or the 
“ALLIED CITIZENS”. It should take advantage of 
every legitimate opportunity to secure publication 
of the truth in the public press, especially the duty 
of citizens to uphold the law, and also serve as a 
committee on literature. 

(3) Organization, to see that every citizen in the 
community is asked to join the “ALLIED CITI¬ 
ZENS” and, in connection with the general com¬ 
munity canvass, to co-operate with the Finance 
Committee of the “YONKERS PLAN”. 

(4) Americanization, to see that locally resident 
aliens and naturalized citizens are taught about the 
American system of government, the Federal Con¬ 
stitution, the duties as well as the rights which go 
with citizenship or even residence here, and what¬ 
ever else will aid them to become intelligently loyal. 

(5) Meetings and Speakers, covering not merely 
general public meetings in behalf of law enforce¬ 
ment, but the sending of speakers to farmers’ and 
teachers’ institutes and similar public gatherings, 
and to churches, Sunday Schools and other organi¬ 
zations to explain the purposes of the “ALLIED 
CITIZENS” in connection with an intensive mem¬ 
bership drive or any special work it has in hand. 

(6) Finance, to prepare a budget for local ex¬ 
penses and raise money, and direct, in conjunction 
with the general organization, the local canvass for 
“sustaining” and “contributing” memberships. 

(7) Special Groups, which should get in touch with 
every club, society, improvement association, 
Grange, fraternal and labor organization, and every 
church and young people’s society, in order to se¬ 
cure an expression of sympathy and co-operation 
and a canvass of its own membership for signa¬ 
tures to the “ALLIED CITIZENS” covenant. 

(8) Law Enforcement. To initiate and push the 
“YONKERS PLAN” where such “PLAN” has not 
already been put into operation, and where it needs 
reviving; to co-operate with those pushing it where 
it has already been started, furnishing a connection 
between it and the “ALLIED CITIZENS” in the in¬ 
terests of mutual efficiency;. and to initiate and 
supervise other suggested lines of non-political 
action looking to obtaining or endorsing official 
activity and securing effective court action against 
law-breakers. 


59 


MERELY TO ORGANIZE IS HIGHLY WORTH WHILE 

The uniting of all the citizens of a community 

who stand for the Constitution is the first and the 
greatest piece of constructive accomplishment pos¬ 
sible to a local “ALLIED CITIZENS DIVISION” 
This is vitally important and effective in itself, and 
gives the power to everything else a local division 
subsequently does. The proportion of the citizens 
of any city or county so banded together will ex¬ 
actly determine under normal conditions how far its 
officials will be willing to go in upholding the law. 
Numbers are vital, both to impress sluggish offi¬ 
cials with the need for action and to sustain faithful 
officials when they have acted. 

If the local membership is recruited to a point 
that numerically constitutes the balance of power 
politically, with ample margin, it will be treated and 
respected accordingly so long as it makes good. 
The greater its potential political force, the less 
of direct political work it will have to undertake. 
Where a small organization would have to fight, 
the mere existence of a large enough membership 
will win most local objectives without even a con¬ 
test. Effort spent in initial enlistment of every 
eligible person in the community will be repaid 
many times over in the saving of time, labor, fric¬ 
tion and possible bad feeling incident to political 
activity after the work starts. 

CANVASS FOR MEMBERS FIRST ENFORCEMENT TASK 

Put the question of membership to every citizen. The 
easiest time to secure members is when the organiza¬ 
tion has the attention of the community. If the mem¬ 
bership results are not encouraging the sooner those 
who are ready start to work the better. The earlier 
it is understood that a community lacks a majority 
willing to stand for the supremacy of law the more 
quickly sufficient public sentiment to change that situa¬ 
tion can be aroused. 

No valid reason can be given by any citizen for re¬ 
fusing to sign the covenant, since his own judgment 
and good faith are to determine for him what is a 
“proper effort to maintain due respect for law’’ and 
the degree of co-operation he is obligated to render. 
There will be some persons in every community who 
will refuse to join, but a canvass of the community 
will lead many of them to say openly that while for 
reasons of their own they do not care to join, still 
they want to be generally understood as standing in 
favor of upholding the law. Securing the tacit sup¬ 
port of these will often prevent their being hood¬ 
winked into active or secret hostility later. 

THE “CIVIC SERVICE BANNER” 

Interest in the community canvass will be stimu¬ 
lated and the benefit from it greatly increased by 
the use of the “Civic Service Banner.” 

The Constitution Protects Us 
We Uphold the Constitution 

which may be either paper, cardboard or cloth, 
x 11 inches (or in that proportion) printed in blue 
on a white background in two lines of tall, con¬ 
densed letters across the long dimension, with a 
blue border one inch wide (or wider or narrower in 
proportion) studded with a line of 48 small white 
stars representing the States of the Union, and 
above, but near the bottom border, in much smaller 
letters, the words “THE CIVIC SERVICE BAN¬ 
NER.” The local committee should furnish these, 
either free or at a nominal price to cover the actual 

60 


cost to it, to be hung, and kept till prohibition en¬ 
forcement is achieved and generally accepted, in a 
front window of every home containing a supporter 
of the “YONKERS PLAN” or a covenanted member 
of the - “ALLIED CITIZENS.” 

While this name and design are the property of 
the “ALLIED CITIZENS OF AMERICA” and, with 
the wording, are protected by proper registry at 
Washington in order to prevent improper use, per¬ 
mission to manufacture and use the “Civic Service 
Banner” without charge will be given on specific 
request in each case (accompanied by a stamped 
envelope) to a representative citizens committee in 
any community, in any state which has undertaken 
to launch the “\ONKERS PLAN,” or a local divi¬ 
sion of the ■“ALLIED CITIZENS,” or the ‘ALLIED 
CITIZENS” basis of organization under some other 
name, or to use the “YONKERS PLAN” or push the 
local enforcement ordinance program in connection 
with any other working system of local organiza¬ 
tion. For the convenience of communities which 
find it easier and cheaper than doing it for them¬ 
selves, the general office of the “ALLIED CITIZENS 
OF AMERICA” in New York City will supply “Ban¬ 
ners” at a reasonable price, buttons with the same 
words in the same colors to be worn by subscribers 
to the “YONKERS PLAN” or covenanted active 
members of the “ALLIED CITIZENS,” and gummed 
miniatures of the “Banner” to be used as “stickers” 
on envelopes. 

INDIVIDUAL VOLUNTEER MEMBERS 

Every citizen of voting age who sees this manual 
is urged to secure, sign and send an “ALLIED 
CITIZENS” covenant blank to the General Head¬ 
quarters in New York City. His own and any other 
names sent in by him will be furnished to the offi¬ 
cials of the proper local division in New York 
State,—or the state department of his own state if 
and when one is organized, until which time any 
such person should co-operate in local enforcement 
through any approved system of organization work¬ 
ing in his own state. 

COVENANT BLANKS AND LEAFLETS 

As there are no dues or profit involved, there is 
no reason why a patriotic citizen should not try to 
enlist his own friends and associates. Covenant 
blanks and explanatory leaflets, 100 of each, to be 
handed to friends or enclosed in letters, can be ob¬ 
tained postpaid for 50 cents (in 2c. stamps) from 
the office of the “ALLIED CITIZENS” in New York. 
Every signature is a blow at lawlessness. Every 
name recorded helps raise the flag of FREEDOM 
UNDER LAW. 

MAKES THE CLEAVAGE CLEAR 

The canvass of the community for members of the 
“ALLIED CITIZENS” in connection with the solicita¬ 
tion of funds for the “YONKERS PLAN” will run a 
definite line of cleavage which will automatically put 
the law abiding on one side, and leave the lawless 
and those who elect to stand with the lawless on the 
other. Many a person who may not be strongly for 
prohibition or who may have some prejudice or griev¬ 
ance, when he sees the company he is in will abandon 
the ranks of the lawless and put himself clearly on the 
side of law and order. This tactical advantage will 
largely be lost if there is any silly, sickly softening of 
the issue to relieve any person from any odium that 
may attach to his own deliberate choice as to the crowd 
with which he will stand. 


61 


THINGS TO DO AFTER THE CANVASS 

After a community canvass has made the local or¬ 
ganization strong by reason of the community power it 
represents, there are numerous additional ways of fur¬ 
thering enforcement. These are of three general 
kinds: 

1. —Those which will improve public sentiment. 

2. —Those which will encourage or spur enforcement 
officials. 

3. —Those which will improve the law to be enforced. 

Activities in these three lines will touch all the fac¬ 
tors in the problem of enforcement—the public, the offi¬ 
cials, and the law. 

HELP THE NEWSPAPERS TO HELP LAW AND ORDER 

There are few editors to-day who will openly 
take a position of inciting to or encouraging viola¬ 
tion of law. Most newspapers will print real news 
about movements to uphold the enforcement of pro¬ 
hibition, even if they are hostile to prohibition. 
Facts about the organization of a local division of 
the “ALLIED CITIZENS” with a statement of its 
purposes, or resolutions adopted by it either outlin¬ 
ing a policy or answering untruthful or incorrect 
statements or charges against prohibition or the 
‘ ALLIED CITIZENS” will be regarded as real news 
by most newspapers whose editorial news sense is 
not alcoholized and whose editors are more con¬ 
cerned about a reputation for fairness than for 
editorial infallibility. 

No untruthful attack respecting prohibition or the 
local organization to enforce it should be allowed 
to go unanswered. Where a newspaper persists in 
apparent wilful unfairness the facts should be given 
the public through other channels, and the owner or 
responsible editor should be called upon by a com¬ 
mittee of citizens and talked to in language he can 
understand. The suggestions of Chapter 2 about 
dealing with newspapers should be read in this con¬ 
nection. 

An appeal to the governor to remove a derelict 
local official may be big news. Letters to local offi¬ 
cials calling attention to violations or demanding 
that they utilize some provision of the law may be 
important news. Such a letter, however, except one 
which is merely an appeal to the public over the 
head of an official should not Le given out for pub¬ 
lication until the one to whom it is addressed has 
had an opportunity in the ordinary course to receive 
his own copy. 

Provided it also prints the facts which are favor¬ 
able to prohibition and is fair enough to print the 
correction of misstatements, no paper should be crit¬ 
icized because it prints the nullification utterances 
or tells of the criminal activity of the wets. It is a 
service to the cause of prohibition enforcement to 
tell law-abiding citizens what they are up against. 

The all-essential thing is to do (or say) things 
that are “news,” and let the papers have the facts 
while they are news. Make enforcement of the law 
the big thing in the community and nothing can keep 
it out of the local newspapers. 

PUBLISH REPORT SHOWING OFFICIAL ACTIVITY 

The local “ALLIED CITIZENS” division should 
help the State Anti-Saloon League secure, as often 
as once a month, direct from the local records a 
showing of all cases commenced and disposed of on 
the liquor question, with a statement of how dis¬ 
posed of; and in the event of a plea of guilty or a 
conviction, the amount of the fine and whether sus¬ 
pended, and the length of prison sentence, if any, 

62 


imposed. This should also cover arrests for drunk¬ 
enness and other offenses relating to the drinking 
of liquor as well as questions relating to its sale and 
manufacture. It should also show injunctions ob¬ 
tained and other unusual remedies employed. The 
local organization should request and take whatever 
steps are necessary to secure publication by the 
local newspapers because it is a matter of legiti¬ 
mate local news interest, of these local facts and the 
summary for the State compiled by the Anti-Saloon 
League. 

WIDE DISTRIBUTION OF PERTINENT LITERATURE 

The local organization should circulate literature as 
widely as possible, primarily that which has to do 
with enforcement, and preferably that with a local 
slant. Local facts can be embodied in special local 
literature. The state organization of the Anti-Saloon 
League or the “ALLIED CITIZENS” will help to do 
this and suggest standard literature of general value. 
See “Don’t Take Too Much for Granted,” page 45. 

One of the most important pieces of public service 
that can be rendered by the local “ALLIED CITI¬ 
ZENS” organization, supplementing its use in securing 
the “YONKERS PLAN” fund, is to give a copy of this 
manual to every local public official having to do with 
enforcement in order that such officials may understand 
the systematic and orderly way in which the movement 
proceeds, with its consequent certainty of ultimate 
success. It will be a profitable investment to include 
justices of the peace, police magistrates, constables 
and other town officials in the various towns (or 
townships) as well as county officials. 

Further, a judicious distribution among the poli¬ 
ticians of both parties, from the county “boss” 
down to the precinct captains and committeemen, 
will be helpful. A large proportion of the so- 
called “professional politicians” are not only de¬ 
cent but really high-grade men, who, while they must 
be “practical” in the political sense, are glad when 
they can have solid backing from good citizens .on 
behalf of better conditions. And many who are al¬ 
ready doing something toward enforcement would 
be glad to go further if assured of intelligent, sus¬ 
tained support. 

Fair, courteous consideration toward political leaders 
sometimes changes the whole political background, and 
makes it possible without any compromise to have the 
help instead of the opposition of the political organiza¬ 
tion in getting good candidates nominated for enforce¬ 
ment offices. Every unnecessary local political contest 
saved means just that much more time and effort avail¬ 
able for the main business of promoting enforcement. 

The distribution of short leaflets offers an additional 
method of educating the public. Aside from dne about 
the “ALLIED CITIZENS” itself and one about the 
“YONKERS PLAN,” there may be had from the gen¬ 
eral office of the “ALLIED CITIZENS” a leaflet on 
enforcement which briefly outlines the substance of the 
New York state law and the Federal law, tells what is 
prohibited, and specifies in short numbered paragraphs 
“WHAT AN INDIVIDUAL CITIZEN CAN DO TO 
PROMOTE LAW ENFORCEMENT.” The state 
Anti-Saloon League executive office or legal department 
should be called upon in any state outside of New York 
to help prepare such a leaflet for use there. 

A SIMPLE COURSE OF STUDY 

A simple, practical course of study can be arranged by 
the officers of a local division of the “ALLIED CITI¬ 
ZENS” and be carried out either by individuals or or¬ 
ganized groups such as Women’s Clubs. If space can 

63 


be secured in the local newspapers, the study-course 
may be conducted as a department of discussion there 
by some one or more individuals appointed to prepare 
the articles. The Anti-Saloon League in any state will 
be glad to advise those appointed to prepare the articles 
on any point concerning which information is lacking. 
The following is a suggested outline for such a course: 

1. 

(a) How does the United States Constitution provide for its 
own amendment? How was the 18th Amendment adopted? 

(b) Why did such a large number of representatives in Con¬ 
gress vote for its submission? 

(c) Why did the representatives of the people in forty-five 
state legislatures vote to ratify it? 

(d) What recent decisions of the Supreme Court have there 
been regarding its validity? 

(e) How much of the country was dry before National Prohi¬ 
bition started? 

(f) Why was there no referendum on the Prohibition Amend¬ 
ment? What was th5 attitude of the liquor traffic toward 
every honest, legal, binding referendum on state or local 
prohibition ? 

(g) What have been the results where the liquor traffic has 
tried to “come back” under a genuine referendum, after 
a trial of prohibition? Why? 

(h) What is the truth about the charge that Prohibition was 
“put over,” and adopted “while the boys were in France”? 

2 . 

(a) Why was special enforcement legislation like the Volstead 
National Prohibition Act necessary after the 18th Amend¬ 
ment had been incorporated in the Constitution itself?” 

(b) What does this Act prohibit and what does it permit? 

(c) What is its most vital feature? What weaknesses did it 
disclose in operation? How should it be amended? 

(d) On what grounds did the highest court uphold it? 

(e) What provision is made for sacramental, medicinal and 
industrial use? 

(f) Why has complete enforcement not been possible by the 
Federal Government alone? What has been the mode of 
enforcement under the Volstead Act? 

(g) What has been the actual effect of prohibition even under 
imperfect enforcement? 

% 

3. 

(a) Why were the words “concurrent power” put in the Pro¬ 
hibition Amendment so that it reads: “The Congress and 
the several states shall have CONCURRENT POWER to 

• enforce this article by appropriate legislation.” ? 

(b) What has “concurrent power” been interpreted to mean 
in practical operation? 

(c) What is the purpose back of the state enforcement laws 
that have been, and are being passed in almost all the 
states and how will they help the enforcement of the 
18th Amendment? 

(d) In what respect does the law in our state differ from 
the Federal Enforcement Act? 

(e) Whose duty is it to enforce our state dry law? How 
well is it being done? 

(f) Do juries bring in verdicts of guilty in clear cases ? Do 
our local courts give prison sentences ? Have any in¬ 
junctions been secured? Any prohibitive taxes imposed? 


4. 

(a) What must be done by the citizens of every locality after 
appropriate national and state laws to enforce the 18th 
Amendment have been placed on the statute books, to 
make sure that they are actually being enforced? 

(b) Does the passage of the Volstead law mean that the 

fight for national legislation is over? What are the 

outlawed liquor interests trying to do? 

(c) What is the attitude of our Congressman and United 
States Senators? Why may the reapportionment of rep¬ 
resentatives in the next Congress affect the national en¬ 
forcement law? 

(d) In what way can the national enforcement law be amended 
so as to legalize the sale of beer and wine? Would this 
be in harmony with the spirit of the 18th Amendment? 

(e) What would a beer amendment mean? WOULD IT 
BRING THE SALOON BACK? 

(f) What is the truth about the food and medicinal value of 
beer ? 

(g) Does the passage of a good state enforcement law mean 
that the struggle in that state is a thing of the past? 
Why? 

(h) What is the attitude of our representatives in the state 
legislature, and our county political leaders? 

The general use of such a course of study will ex¬ 
pose to the public how ridiculously untenable, yet what 

64 


an indefensible assault upon law and order, is the posi¬ 
tion of those prominent, reputable citizens who lend 
their names and influence to wet movements which pur¬ 
port to be perfectly legal attempts to change the law, 
but in fact are attempts at NULLIFICATION. The 
study, discussion, and answering of the above questions, 
and those that will be suggested by them, will prove the 
dishonesty of the liquor propaganda. Call on your state 
Anti-Saloon League for these or similar questions and 
suggestive answers printed in catechism form at a rea¬ 
sonable price for the use of members of such classes. 

FOR BETTER JURIES 

It is the common custom of otherwise good citizens 
to pay no attention to the workings of the machinery 
by which lists of jurymen are made up, and also to 
avoid all jury service themselves and then berate what 
happens in the courts. The jury system is never better 
than those who'sit on the juries. It cannot be. Better 
jury results may be obtained in three ways: 

1. —Scrutinizing the methods of making up the lists 

from which jurors are drawn. 

2. —Educating good citizens generally as to the patri¬ 

otic obligation not to dodge jury service. 

3. —Turning the spotlight on juries which acquit con¬ 

trary to the evidence in violation of their oath. 

The local “ALLIED CITIZENS” through proper 
representatives should look over the jury list and into 
the machinery for securing both trial juries and grand 
juries, to see if there is any indication of jury material 
being selected chiefly from friends of the liquor traffic. 

The officials and members of a local division of the 
“ALLIED CITIZENS” should urge the importance of 
good citizens serving on juries, and themselves serve, 
when called. Furthermore, they should serve intel¬ 
ligently and not give liquor attorneys a chance to chal¬ 
lenge them for cause. 

Instead of allowing a shyster liquor lawyer to put 
him in the false position of being so prejudiced that 
he cannot give a man accused of violating a liquor 
law a fair trial, an exponent of law and order should 
reply, in substance, provided such is the truth, to any 
question designed to show his advocacy of prohibition 
as a basis for a wet challenge on the ground of 
prejudice:— 

“I was in favor of prohibition when that was the issue, 
but that is no longer the issue. The sole question now is 
one of enforcing the law. If accepted on this jury and the 
accused is shown by the weight of the evidence beyond a 
reasonable doubt to be guilty of violating the law, I will vote 
for his conviction. If he is not so shown I will vote for his 
acquittal. I have no opinions which will interfere with fidelity 
to my oath to give justice according to the law and the evi¬ 
dence and-the instructions of the court.” 

Any person who is willing, though not anxious, to 
serve on a jury as a patriotic duty, allows himself to 
be put in a ridiculous position if he lets a liquor at¬ 
torney trap him into an admission that his opinions and 
convictions on the question of prohibition constitute a 
prejudice so violent that he is unable to weigh evidence 
and give a verdict accordingly, in a case where the sole 
issue is whether or not the law has been violated. 

JURIES ARE RESPONSIVE TO PUBLIC SENTIMENT 

An official rebuke from the presiding judge when a 
jury brings in a verdict flagrantly in disregard of the 
evidence and the instructions of the court will help 
dispel either lethargy or hysterics and develop a 
sound public sentiment. And it is the duty of a 
judge publicly to rebuke a jury where its action palpably 
amounts to de facto conspiracy to disregard the oath 
taken by each member. 


65 


If local enforcement sentiment becomes so strong 
and interest so keen that a large number of citizens are 
present and hear the testimony and thereby become 
witnesses to the jury’s shame, it will have a salutary 
effect upon the sitting jury and others to follow. The 
presence of a number of prominent citizens who observe 
facts that they know call for a rebuke from the bench 
will encourage even that sort of action. If a number 
of ministers are personally present to see and hear for 
themselves and at a service in the nature of a civic 
demonstration denounce jurors who have freed a no¬ 
toriously guilty defendant in a prohibition enforcement 
case in defiance of conclusive evidence, and give a 
copy of what they say to the local newspapers, re¬ 
sults may be quicker and more far-reaching. 

No juror can honestly claim that he is compelled 
to bring in a verdict which violates his sense of 
his obligation under his own oath. He can refuse 
to agree. It is far better to have a disagreement 
with necessity for a new trial than to have a 
notorious violator of law acquitted. 

CHANGING THE ATTITUDE OF ALIENS 

Americanization work as carried on by the “AL¬ 
LIED CITIZENS” should be a means of improving 
the sentiment of aliens toward the law. One of 
the chief reasons why these people have come from 
other lands is the opportunity life in America holds 
out to their children. The welfare of their offspring, 
therefore, offers a peculiarly effective point of con¬ 
tact for beginning the education of -alien residents 
as to the value of prohibition and the respect which 
should be shown the prohibition law. 

Nothing, too, is more germane to the activity of 
the “ALLIED CITIZENS OF AMERICA” than keep¬ 
ing watch of naturalization proceedings in order 
to give the public the facts if sufficient care is not 
shown, and in order to help develop a general public 
sentiment in favor of the policy already put into 
operation by some judges, to refuse citizenship to 
persons who have been convicted of violation of the 
National Prohibition Act or who will not say that 
they will obey that act. 

NOTIFYING AND SPURRING OFFICIALS 

The “YONKERS PLAN” is the arm of power for 
dealing with recalcitrant officials and the “ALLIED 
CITIZENS” supplies the local organization for start¬ 
ing it and doing the preliminary work which includes 
all that can be done toward co-operating with and 
warning enforcement officials and those who appoint 
or remove them. When patience ceases to be a 
virtue some such notice as this of determination to 
launch the “YONKERS PLAN” may be served by 
the local “ALLIED CITIZENS.” 

We have been earnestly seeking to co-operate with you to a 
satisfactory enforcement of the prohibition law. Your activ¬ 
ities have been so disappointing and you have so glaringly 
failed to do what you could toward creating an aggressive pub¬ 
lic opinion on behalf of enforcement as to make further efforts 
at co-operation with you an unreasonable tax on the patience 
and intelligence of those who want lawlessness stopped. We 
purpose to act in the future along other lines better calculated 
to move you to what we regard as an adequate and due use of 
your official influence and powers. 

Property owners should also be notified of their 
liability respecting liquor violations on their prem¬ 
ises. 


PUBLIC MEETINGS 

While efforts at co-operation are still on, it may 
be well to have a public meeting under “ALLIED 
CITIZENS” auspices at which the public officials 

66 


immediately chargeable with enforcement shall be 
invited to speak. Such a meeting may be held 
every year or, in emergencies, without waiting 
for a full year to elapse. The character and slant 
of a particular meeting must be determined by con¬ 
ditions. The first meeting should start with the 
assumption that each official is going to do his 
full duty. A statement by him to that effect to 
a public gathering with the evidence that it is 
popular, will tend to clarify an official’s own think¬ 
ing and stiffen his own purpose. 

Later, if enforcement is not satisfactory there 
may be a public meeting at which an address may 
be made by one or more local citizens or a report 
made to the public by a representative of the “YON¬ 
KERS PLAN” Committee, or, probably better, by 
the proper representative of the local “ALLIED 
CITIZENS” organization, indicating conditions as 
they have been found. The official or officials 
should then be invited to say anything they wish 
to say in their own behalf, with the understanding 
that the audience may question them, it being of 
course understood that the questions shall be fair 
and courteous. At every such public meeting an 
opportunity to sign the “covenant” should be given 
those who are not members. 

HELP OFFICIALS GET ENFORCEMENT FUNDS 

“We cannot get the evidence” is the everywhere- 
heard plea of local officials. The local organiza¬ 
tion should insist that the municipal authorities 
in proper cases, and the county board in other 
cases, make whatever special appropriation officials 
need to secure evidence of violations of law. Where 
fines go into the same treasury from which such 
expenses are appropriated, if prosecutor, court and 
juries do their full duty, the law-breakers can be 
made to pay, through fines, the expense of their 
own detection and conviction, with no net financial 
cost to the public but great gain to the cause of 
law and order. 

CONFER WITH PROSECUTING ATTORNEY 

Before the publication of any “YONKERS PLAN” 
evidence, representatives of the “ALLIED CITI¬ 
ZENS” or similar local organization, but not the 
“YONKERS PLAN” Committee, should have a frank, 
friendly talk with the prosecuting attorney, pro¬ 
vided the spokesman knows his business and can 
he neither bluffed nor palavered off the track, and 
provided no in-growing conservative on the com¬ 
mittee persists in breaking in at inopportune times 
to give the district attorney the impression that 
the committee are not informed and determined. 

The district attorney should be given an oppor¬ 
tunity to talk himself through and then frankly be 
told that while the intention is to stand by officials 
in the discharge of their duty, yet the “ALLIED 
CITIZENS” and the public which it represents are 
not bound to accept an official’s conception of his 
duty to the public if it differs from the public’s own 
idea; that publication of the facts is essential to the 
creation and crystallization of the sentiment neces¬ 
sary to back up officials; and that there is no occa¬ 
sion for officials to take to themselves as personal, 
things which are impersonal and designed for the 
benefit of the community. 

The public prosecutor, whatever he is called, 
should be told that while he is not asked to try 
any cases in the newspapers, yet among other things 
he is chargeable with responsibility for using his 
influence through any reputable medium of pub- 

67 


licity to create informed public sentiment: that if 
the laws are not susceptible of satisfactory execu¬ 
tion the people should be so advised by him as 
their servant chargeable with responsibility in this 
instance, so that they can aid him by taking up 
with their governmental representative in the co¬ 
ordinate field of legislation the question of making 
proper change in the laws. In short he should 
be given to understand that he must either get 
results or assume responsibility for the failure to 
do so if he cannot clearly locate responsibility 
elsewhere. See also Chapter 3 respecting duties. 

INVOKE FEDERAL AID WHERE JUSTICE FAILS UNDER 
STATE LAW 

Where a notorious culprit fails of indictment or 
conviction under the state law because of hostility 
or incompetence on the part of the prosecutor, or 
because of political influence, the Federal authorities 
should be appealed to. The same act of lawlessness 
violates two different laws, and constitutes two dis¬ 
tinct offenses, and both can be punished. One who 
wrongfully escapes in a state court is not put “twice 
in jeopardy for the same offense” when brought into 
a Federal Court for the identical illegal sale. While 
the act is the same, the offense is different. This 
should not be attempted where there is a convic¬ 
tion under the state law, nor after acquittal under 
the state law if there has been a fair trial. 

Appeals to the Federal Prohibition Commissioner 
direct or through the Anti-Saloon League, resulting 
in raids by Federal prohibition agents and con¬ 
victions in Federal courts afford a most effective 
method of checking up on and stimulating sluggish 
local officials. 

VISITING THE JUDGES 

The “ALLIED CITIZENS,” through a proper com¬ 
mittee, may properly get in touch with the judiciary, 
from magistrates and United States Commissioners 
up to the judges of the highest court that tries 
liquor cases. They constitute a part of the people’s 
government with which the public ought to be 
better acquainted. Most judges of courts of record 
are both competent and conscientious. Great care 
should be taken that every member of the com¬ 
mittee understands that it would be an almost 
criminal blunder to undertake to talk to any judge 
about any case pending before him, because that is 
contempt of court if not conspiracy to obstruct 
justice. 

It should be made clear at the very beginning 
that the visit is to give assurance of the support 
of the law-abiding element in every effort to uphold 
the majesty of the law, and that there is no inten¬ 
tion to discuss any particular case, so as to avoid 
embarrassing a conscientious judge and to give the 
occasional one who is so hostile as to be a de facto 
anti-prohibition propagandist no pretext to rebuke 
the militant friends of law enforcement. 

If the judge in question has been imposing light 
fines and refraining from the imposition of prison 
sentences or has been refusing to issue injunctions, 
it should be made clear (followed up if necessary 
by formal action and publication) that the citizens 
of the community represented by the “ALLIED 
CITIZENS” believe that such a policy in fact consti¬ 
tutes a cheap judicial license, is an encouragement 
to violation of the liquor law and makes a mockery 
of justice, and that a judge is expected to use his 
full power to make the law effective. An unfit 

68 


or unworthy judge is no more sacred than any 
other recreant official. 

ASK GOVERNOR FOR REMOVAL 

If, as in some cases in New York, the Governor 
has removal power, the local organization of the 
“ALLIED CITIZENS” can ask the Governor to re¬ 
move a prosecutor or other peace officer within 
executive power to remove, who is conspicuously 
not discharging his duty under his oath of office. 
It can also insist upon, or, if the law gives citizens 
the power, institute, ouster proceedings under any 
law which defines misconduct in office and enables 
removal otherwise than by executive action. 

URGE REGISTRATION AND ENROLLMENT 

An “ALLIED CITIZENS” division should urge 
all citizens of the locality to register—where that 
is necessary in order to vote; to enroll in the parties 
of their respective choice, especially the majority 
party—where that is required in order to vote in 
the primaries; and to vote on primary day so as to 
help select proper candidates, to be elected later. 

GET GOOD MEN TO RUN OR ACCEPT 

The local “ALLIED CITIZENS” can help induce 
good men to accept appointive positions, suui as 
police commissioner, and to run for elective offices 
having to do with enforcement. Many a man will 
serve as a patriotic duty who will not be put in the 
position of scrambling for an office which is a 
thankless task at best. The local organization can 
both demonstrate and crystallize sentiment in favor 
of some peculiarly well-qualified candidate, and then 
assume the burden of circulating the nominating 
or designating petitions, or whatever formalities 
are required. 

QUESTION LOCAL CANDIDATES 

It is also within the province and is the duty 
of the local “ALLIED CITIZENS” organization to 
ask candidates for office having to do with en¬ 
forcement where they stand on the enforcement 
question. A suggested specific question is: “Will 
you if nominated and elected use your full official 
power and influence to enforce the prohibition law 
as effectively as any other law?”, plus any local 
additions to or applications of this general query 
that may be pertinent. 

A bulletin giving the questions asked and the 
replies of the various candidates, and, if any candi¬ 
date should refuse to reply, a statement of that 
fact, together with the record of any candidate who 
has a record, should be prepared in ample time-, and 
given to the press and sent to every member, with 
whatever recommendations it seems necessary .to 
make. But if there is nothing that needs special 
interpretation, a mere statement of facts, trusting to 
the common sense of the people to draw the proper 
inference, is far stronger than recommendations. 

PREVENT DIVISION OF STRENGTH 

Where, as sometimes happens, a wet or nulli¬ 
fication candidate is opposed by two enforcement 
candidates, particularly where one of them is ap¬ 
parently not qualified and there is reason to 
suppose he was brought into the field either by 
opponents of law and order, so as to split the dry 
vote, or by his own vanity, it may be necessary 
to warn the public and the membership of the 
“ALLIED CITIZENS” of the danger of defeat 
through division of the vote. 

69 


If the one who is the cause of the danger re¬ 
fuses to withdraw when approached personally in 
advance, thereby indicating either that he has an 
ulterior purpose or that he puts himself above the 
public welfare, then the people should be frankly 
advised to concentrate on the “best candidate who 
has the best chance to win,” and if necessary be 
given the judgment of the officers of the local 
“ALLIED CITIZENS” division as to which candidate 
is that one. As it is always advisable to avoid any 
split in a local organization by avoiding any un¬ 
necessary divisive issue it will usually be well to 
ask the Anti-Saloon League to make such a declara¬ 
tion, because it will blow over and do no harm to 
a state-wide organization like the League, while 
in a purely local organization it might leave scars 
that would never heal. 

If the local organization is so strong, and the 
questions so obviously ask nothing more than is re¬ 
quired of any conscientious man by his mere oath 
of office, that every candidate answers satisfactorily, 
the organization can remain neutral. This insures 
protection of enforcement no matter who is elected, 
and prevents the danger of division of sentiment 
or hard feeling. 

COLLABORATE WITH ANTI-SALOON LEAGUE 

A local “ALLIED CITIZENS” organization should 
also send the state Anti-Saloon League information 
as to the past attitude and record of new candi¬ 
dates for the Legislature, and should collaborate 
with the state League in making any local recom¬ 
mendation respecting such candidates as aspire to 
be legislators, district attorneys or occupants of 
an enforcement office which represents a terri¬ 
tory and constituency larger than the immediate 
community. 

REPORT POLITICAL EXPENSES WHERE REQUIRED 

If the local “ALLIED CITIZENS” organiza¬ 
tion engages in any activity of a specific campaign 
nature with respect to a particular official, it must, 
where the state “corrupt practices” law so provides, 
make a report of receipts and expenditures, and 
should have a special campaign committee and treas¬ 
urer. This does not apply to the general work 
of the “ALLIED CITIZENS” (nor to “YONKERS 
PLAN” activity). It must be determined in each 
case according to the law of the particular state 
covering such matters. Where general contribu¬ 
tions to the local “ALLIED CITIZENS” are ap¬ 
propriated for special local campaign purposes, 
such funds can be reported by the special cam¬ 
paign treasurer merely as coming from the 
“ALLIED CITIZENS” division of the locality. 

LAW TO PERMIT TRANSFER OF TRIALS 

In every state where such provision does not 
exist, it will be well to secure the passage of legis¬ 
lation permitting the “State” or the “People” as 
represented by the prosecuting attorney, whatever 
he may be called, to obtain a change of venue in 
enforcement cases, on making a proper and suffi¬ 
cient showing. There are some communities which 
so condone every kind of lawlessness as to make 
conviction practically impossible. Because the State 
generally has no right of appeal in criminal cases, 
this is practically an estoppel of justice and a defeat 
of law. There should be provision in law for transfer 
of trials from such a community. Objection to 
this will come largely from criminals and criminal 

70 


lawyers. The advantage of it is obvious. No man 
has an inherent right to protection in violation of 
a law which represents the intelligence and con¬ 
science of his state or nation merely because there 
is a conspiracy to nullify it in his particular 
locality. 

IMPROVING THE LAW 

No law is perfect in its early provisions and this 
is as true of national and state enforcement leg¬ 
islation as of any other. New tricks and devices 
on the part of the lawless necessitate added pro¬ 
visions in the law. And, what is of more moment, 
increasing crystallization . of public sentiment 
against the lawless makes progressively stringent 
legislation possible as need is disclosed. Then too, 
the extension of the field of enforcement legislation 
into city councils and village boards of trustees is 
important. All these together open wide oppor¬ 
tunities for local divisions of the “ALLIED CITI¬ 
ZENS” to aid in improving the law with which 
public officials are expected to accomplish en¬ 
forcement. 

SUMMARY TRIAL BY JUDGES ONLY 

Where there is no constitutional barrier, legisla¬ 
tion should be sought permitting the trial, especially 
in the larger cities, of violation of the prohibition 
law without a jury. In New Jersey, where illegal 
sale of liquor is merely disorderly conduct, this is 
done. In New York, for example, misdemeanors of 
other sorts are now tried in some cities by three 
justices of Courts of Special Sessions. All such 
proposed legislation, however, should be safeguarded 
by explicit words which preserve the possibility of 
a resort by the State to the grand jury process 
and trial by jury if desired, and further provide that 
trials in courts of special sessions without a jury 
may be had on “information” even though a mag¬ 
istrate has refused to hold a defendant or a grand 
jury has refused to indict. No community can 
get far on a question of this sort except as it acts 
with the Anti-Saloon League or its legal department. 

LAW DEFINING OFFICIAL MISCONDUCT 

Although it is a state matter, every locality can 
arouse and organize sentiment to be focused upon 
its own representatives in the state legislature 
in favor of the passage of a state law defining 
‘misconduct in office,” and providing a safe, sane, 
but effective, workable means of eliminating, before 
their terms have expired, officials of every sort who 
have made common cause with law-breakers and 
are proved unworthy and unfit. 

COMMUNITY ENFORCEMENT ORDINANCES 

An “ALLIED CITIZENS” proposal instantly fa¬ 
vored throughout New York State is to have a local 
ordinance passed in every municipality: (1) pro¬ 
hibiting, in harmony with the Federal and State law, 
the sale of alcoholic liquor for beverage purposes; 
(2) requiring the old saloons to remove their 
screens; and (3) requiring every place which sells 
soft drinks to obtain a permit at a nominal fee 
in order to give a record and a check upon such 
places, and right of inspection without a warrant, 
and, through provision for revocation of the permits 
of those who violate the law, to secure an additional 
remedy against those who sell prohibited drinks. 

The following has been drafted as a model ordi¬ 
nance for a city in New York State. The state 
Anti-Saloon League should be called upon, or local 

71 


counsel engaged as a matter of public service, to 
adapt this ordinance to local conditions in harmony 
with the laws of any other state,—or to change the 
phraseology to fit a village or town, with special 
reference to imprisonment power, etc. 

FORM OF ORDINANCE 

The common council of the City of . by 

virtue of the authority vested in it by the Charter of the 

City of . and by the laws of the State 

of New York hereby ordains and enacts as follows, that 

Sec. 1. It shall be unlawful to sell, offer or keep for sale, 
possess, or give away liquor containing one half of one 
per cent or more of alcohol by volume, for beverage purposes; 
provided that it shall not be a violation hereof to possess 
liquor that has been lawfully prescribed by a practising 
physician, nor to possess liquor that has been lawfully acquired 
prior to January 16, 1920, nor to give away such lawfully 
acquired liquor to a bona fide guest in one’s private dwelling, 
unless such private dwelling is a place of public resort. 

Sec. 2. No person, firm, or corporation shall sell, offer or 

keep for sale at retail within the City of . any 

beverage or liquid used as a drink without having obtained 
a permit therefor, for each place at which a beverage busi¬ 
ness is conducted, as hereinafter provided, except that re¬ 
ligious and charitable organizations shall not be required 
to obtain such a permit where the sale, offer or keeping for 
sale of beverages at retail by such organizations is in¬ 
frequent and occasional. 

The provisions of this ordinance shall apply to every place 
where any beverage is sold, offered or kept for sale at retail; 
and the business of selling, offering or keeping for sale at 
retail any beverage shall be known as a beverage business. 

Sec. 3. Any person, firm, or corporation desiring to sell, 
offer or keep for sale at retail any beverage shall make 
written application, duly verified, to the mayor for a permit 
to conduct such beverage business. 

Sec. 4. The application, if made by an individual, shall 
state the name of the applicant, his residence, and occupa¬ 
tion during each of the five years next preceding the date of 
said application; if made by a firm, it shall state the names 
of all the persons comprising said firm, and their respective 
residences and occupations during each of the five years next 
preceding the date of said application; if made by a corpora¬ 
tion, it shall state the name and residence of each officer of 
such corporation and the location of its principal place of 
business. 

Every application shall state the nature of the business 
to be conducted and the location thereof. 

The mayor may require such additional information as he 
may deem necessary, and, for reasonable cause, he may refuse 
to grant any permit. 

Sec. 5. Every permit granted under the provisions of this 
ordinance shall expire on the 31st day of December of the 
year for which it is granted, unless sooner revoked by the 
mayor. 

No permit shall be transferable from one person, firm, or 
corporation to any other, nor from one location to another. 
The mayor may in his discretion revoke any permit for 
reasonable cause. 

The applicant shall pay a fee of one dollar for each per¬ 
mit granted, which permit shall be conspicuously posted 
in the place for which it is granted. 

Sec. 6. It shall be the duty of every person, firm, or 
corporation to keep in a sanitary condition the premises 
where any beverage business is conducted; and to prevent 
thereon any act or practice prohibited by law or by the 
ordinances of the city of . 

Sec. 7. Any room in which a beverage business is con¬ 
ducted shall be so constructed and maintained that a clear 
view of the interior of such place may be had from the 
street on which such business is located, and shall be free 
from any screens, partitions, fixtures or obstructions, either 
in the doors, windows, approaches or inside said room, which 
may interfere with a clear view from the street; provided, 
however, that any room in which such business is conducted 
not located on the ground floor or which does not directly 
front or abut on any street, shall be so constructed and 
maintained that a clear view of the interior thereof may be 
had from any entrance to said room. 

Sec. 8. Any peace officer is authorized to inspect at any 
time the premises where any beverage business is conducted, 
or any other premises used or operated in connection there¬ 
with. 

Sec. 9. Any person, firm, or corporation convicted of a 
violation of any of the provisions of this ordinance shall 
be punished by a fine of not less than $25.00 for a first 
offense and for a second or subsequent offense by a fine 
of not less them $100.00, and imprisonment for not less 
than one month or more than six months; the permit of any 
such person, firm, or corporation so convicted shall be re¬ 
voked for one year unless the mayor shall, pursuant to a 
public hearing called for the purpose, sooner reissue said 
permit. 


72 






Sec. 10. If any section or provision of this ordinance shall 
be held to be invalid, it is hereby provided that all other 
provisions of this ordinance, v.hich are not expressly held 
to be invalid, shall continue in full force and effect. 


QUESTION OF LOCAL POWER TO ENACT 

However, because of some question of powers— 
a question likely to be raised in any state regardless 
of whether there is any merit in the contention or 
not—the Anti-Saloon League of New York retained 
eminent special counsel to give an opinion on the 
power of communities in the state of New York to 
pass this ordinance, retaining him also to draft 
enabling legislation to be adopted by the Legislature 
if the proposed ordinance or any portion of it were 
held to be beyond the power of any of the political 
units in which such action was desired. 

Counsel reported that cities in New York had not 
authority under the general law to enact an ordi¬ 
nance covering prohibition but did have power to 
pass an ordinance involving the other two points; 
that the village law did not empower a village to 
enact an ordinance on any of the three points; and 
that a town outside of an incorporated city and 
village had no authority to enact any kind of an 
ordinance. 

ENABLING LEGISLATION, TO CONFER POWERS 

Therefore, the prohibition element (Sec. 1, only) 
was temporarily dropped from the “Model Ordi¬ 
nance” for New York State, and enabling legislation 
was drafted to be pushed as part of the state legis¬ 
lative program of the Anti-Saloon League until 
passed, in the form of three bills amending the town, 
village and general city laws, respectively, by spe¬ 
cifically empowering the duly constituted authorities 
in each case: “To enact ordinances in aid of the 
enforcement of any statute of the state, or of the 
United States, and to prescribe penalties for the 
violation thereof.” 

This proposal is so simple, fair and reasonable 
that no tenable objection can be found to it. 

An ordinance has direct value because penalties 
can be imposed locally and because it enables a 
community where the sentiment is overwhelmingly 
for enforcement to get immediate relief when the 
sentiment of the county taken as a whole may not 
be so strong, or when county officials are not dis¬ 
posed to do the utmost that might be done. 

Most people who have not had experience with 
enforcement of the law and the operation of gov¬ 
ernmental machinery are at a loss to know how to 
start. Federal action is vague and intangible in 
their minds, and even the operation of a state law 
seems remote. But the idea of calling upon the 
city council or village board, the legislative power 
of the most familiar political unit, to enact a local 
ordinance is something practical and appealing. 
Such an ordinance does not actually strengthen 
state or Federal laws, but it puts their enforcement 
directly up to local officials. 

By such a local campaign it is possible to arouse the 
citizenship for action and put the community as a 
community on record in general favor of enforce¬ 
ment and specifically in favor of measures that 
tend to facilitate enforcement of prohibition. The 
attendant agitation made up of demands from the 
pulpit, articles in the papers, letters to and per¬ 
sonal interviews with officials, public meetings, and 
delegations at sessions of the city council, board of 
aldermen, or village board of trustees, creates and 
demonstrates virile, insistent enforcement sentiment 

73 


in the community, and tends to secure more effi¬ 
cient action from a local police force under every 
law. 

Such an issue is a barometer of local sentiment. 
It constitutes a kind of civic weight-lifting machine 
upon which to try out and develop municipal moral 
muscle. Until sentiment has reached the place 
where it can compel such action by the local officials 
of communities empowered so to act it is impos¬ 
sible to know that there is a majority sentiment 
for enforcement, and the work of education must 
continue. 

SERVES NOTICE ON COURT AND COUNTY OFFICERS 

Such an ordinance, once passed, is formal official 
notice to officials of larger political divisions—dis¬ 
trict attorneys, sheriffs and judges — that the par¬ 
ticular political division which has thus expressed 
itself wants enforcement. This is sure to result in 
better enforcement of the State law in addition to 
the use made of the ordinance itself. This element 
in the case is of almost inestimable value even if 
no penalty were ever imposed under the ordinance. 

ACTION PENDING ENABLING LEGISLATION 

In a state where it is argued that such an ordinance 
or any portion of it cannot be passed in any class of 
the municipal units suggested until the state legislature 
grants the power, it is not necessary to shut down the 
local campaign for it until the passage of such enabling 
laws. In New York the “ALLIED CITIZENS” has 
recommended that cities move immediately to pass or¬ 
dinances covering the second and third points, which 
counsel considers are now valid; and that the villages 
also, while recognizing the element' of doubt in the mat¬ 
ter, pass ordinances covering these same two points and 
put on the opposition the burden of proving that such 
ordinances are not within the general power granted 
villages in New York “to preserve the public peace and 
good order; to prevent and suppress vice, immorality, 

* * * and all disorderly, noisy, riotous or tumultuous 
conduct,” etc. 

GET THE BENEFITS AND STILL PLAY SAFE 

Where it is desired to take no chances, all the educa¬ 
tional and recruiting benefits to be derived from an 
ordinance campaign may be obtained without delay by a 
local movement on the city council or board of aider- 
men, or upon the village or town board, requesting that 
it adopt a resolution asking the senator and the repre¬ 
sentative of the lower house in the State Legislature 
for the district in which the municipality is situated to 
support legislation which will enable it and all commun¬ 
ities to pass ordinances of the sort desired. 

The adoption of such a resolution will practically in¬ 
sure the adoption of an ordinance when the enabling 
legislation is passed, and the people will have had a 
definite issue around which to rally in the meantime. 
The local officials will also have had the demonstration 
of public sentiment and the officials higher up will have 
had the official notification of the desire of the duly 
constituted local officials for more enforcement author¬ 
ity. This ordinance proposal, in its state-wide aspects, 
will reach and ultimately enlist for law enforcement 
a far larger number of people locally than can be en¬ 
listed in any enforcement work of a purely state-wide 
character. 

Specific requests from pastors, churches, civic organ¬ 
izations and individuals, reinforcing the official request 
from city councils and village or town boards in be¬ 
half of this enabling legislation, will impress members 
of the state legislature with the extent and militancy 

74 


of the enforcement sentiment in their respective dis¬ 
tricts and lead them to consider more favorably any 
other supplemental enforcement legislation or amend¬ 
ment to the state enforcement code which may be 
needed. It will also provide a most effective back¬ 
fire against efforts to weaken or emasculate existing 
state enforcement legislation. 

THE BEST POSSIBLE INITIAL LOCAL PROGRAM 

Following the canvass of the community for mem¬ 
bership the most important and most profitable 
thing that can be done by a local “ALLIED CITI¬ 
ZENS” division is to take up the ordinance program 
above outlined. Putting it through should so firmly 
establish the local organization in the confidence of 
the community that its influence need not be chal¬ 
lenged within a political generation. Demand for 
an ordinance will automatically supply the requisite 
enforcement notice to local officials and afford the 
best general preparation for the “YONKERS 
PLAN,” which can be launched as soon as the ordi¬ 
nance campaign is under way, thus letting each help 
the other. Such action is even more necessary in 
communities previously dry under state and local 
legislation, to prevent their slipping back in senti¬ 
ment through lack of education respecting (1) 
alcohol, and (2) the need of making prohibition of 
its beverage use continuously effective, as many 
localities and some states did slip, before prohibition 
was enacted nationally. 

If a court decides that such an ordinance or any 
portion of it is invalid, the case should be taken to 
the highest court in the state, while pushing the 
enabling legislation above mentioned to remove any 
doubt. In the improbable event that such enabling 
legislation should finally be held unconstitutional, a 
movement should be started both to amend the state 
constitution and also, meanwhile, to secure adoption 
by the local board of the resolution suggested in the 
preceding section. The additional effort called for 
by any obstacle will keep local sentiment mobilized. 

GROWS LOCAL ROOTS FOR STATE AND NATIONAL 
ENFORCEMENT 

The secret of the success of the movement for 
prohibition lies in the fact that under “local option” 
any community which was ready voted to adopt 
local prohibition. The benefits even under unfavor¬ 
able conditions convinced neighboring communities. 
The policy spread until counties became almost dry 
and voted entirely dry under the county option 
legislation which the people demanded. This spread 
until most of the counties of a State were dry, and 
then the people demanded State prohibition. Na¬ 
tional prohibition was the logical next step. The 
growth in the first or enactment phase of prohibi¬ 
tion was slow but steady from the bottom. Rooted 
fast in the experience of the people it grew to be 
irresistible. 

The second or enforcement phase of prohibition, 
however, in wet States and the larger cities, most 
of which were wet, had to start from the top where 
the first phase had left it. The proposal for local 
enforcement ordinances is the simplest, most fun¬ 
damental method yet devised to start enforcement 
back at the bottom on a firm basis and make senti¬ 
ment in each locality that will take root, spread, 
and steadily grow till it embodies an overwhelming 
patriotic demand for obedience to law, and becomes 
an unshakable foundation for the State and national 
enforcement that is also essential, but cannot be 
fully achieved by the national or even the State gov- 

75 


ernment without such clearly demonstrated rootage 
of sentiment in most of the local communities. 

In short, the local enforcement-ordinance program 
offers the only tangible hope of developing for pro¬ 
hibition enforcement everywhere, in the same way, 
but to a greater degree, all the inherent strength of 
the local prohibition preparation which made na¬ 
tional prohibition enactment possible. 

The three-fold local program, (1) community en¬ 
rollment for law and order, (2) official recognition of 
the enforcement sentiment by passage of local en¬ 
forcement ordinances, (3) the “YONKERS PLAN’’ 
to compel the local officials to carry that sentiment 
into effect, covers and offers the solution of every 
vital local enforcement problem. 

CITY AND VILLAGE PROSECUTORS 

It will often be desirable either to help the county 
prosecutor obtain enough assistants to cover every 
locality or secure whatever local or state legislation 
is necessary to provide for prosecution of all local 
liquor cases by a duly authorized city or village 
attorney. Judges or magistrates and police officers 
should not be left alone to combat unscrupulous 
liquor attorneys. 

AN AMERICANIZATION AMENDMENT 

The “ALLIED CITIZENS OF AMERICA” advo¬ 
cates nationally the following proposed Amendment to 
the Constitution of the United States: 

JOINT RESOLUTION 

Proposing An Amendirent to the Constitution of the 
United States 


Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of 
the United States of America in Congress assembled (two- 
thirds of each House concurring therein). That the following 
amendment of the Constitution be and hereby is proposed to 
the States, to become valid as a part of the Constitution when 
ratified by the Legislatures of the several States as provided 
by the Constitution: 

Article - 

Section 1.—In apportioning representatives among the sev¬ 
eral States according to their respective numbers, aliens shall 
not be counted. 

Section 2.—The Congress shall have power to define the 
meaning of the term alien and to enforce, by appropriate leg¬ 
islation, the provisions of this article. 

The Constitution of the State of New York which 
provides specifically for the exclusion of aliens from 
the count of the population for districting the State 
of New York for the election of members to the lower 
house of the General Assembly, furnishes ample pre¬ 
cedent for this. 

It does not propose to interfere with either the im¬ 
migration or naturalization laws. It merely proposes 
that those who pass the immigration tests shall utilize 
the naturalization laws to become citizens before they 
can be counted for representation in Congress. 

Under the present Constitutional provision, wherever 
there is a large percentage of aliens in the population, 
corrupt political organizations like Tammany in New 
York City can secure and control Congressmen on the 
basis of the alien population, much of it not only ig¬ 
norant but even hostile to American ideals, and then 
vote such Congressmen against genuinely American 
measures and in favor of un-American projects. 

The proposed Amendment would put a premium on 
American citizenship by making citizenship an indis¬ 
pensable requisite to representation in Congress and 
give an incentive to a foreigner who comes to this 
country to become a citizen. 

As Congress will for a long time determine the con¬ 
ditions under which prohibition enforcement must be 
carried on, this proposal, in addition to being sound 

76 




and promotive of wholesome Americanization, has di¬ 
rect relation to prohibition enforcement. 

SUGGESTIVE ONLY, AND NOT EXCLUSIVE 

The things suggested in this chapter are merely 
specific applications of the general principles herein. 
There is no intention of excluding any other sane, 
proper, related activity. See Appendix “What an 
Individual Citizen Can Do.” 

A PAID SECRETARY 

In the larger cities the question of employing a 
secretary may come up. Where one is secured he 
should be an “employee” and not an “official”, 
thereby keeping the rule that officials of the “AL¬ 
LIED CITIZENS” receive no salary. 

However, in many if not most cities large enough 
for this, the Anti-Saloon League will already have a 
district office which can take on the general super¬ 
intendence of such local work and superintend the 
clerical work necessary. The local organization in 
such case can make an appropriation directly for 
this purpose, or increased special contributions lo¬ 
cally can be made direct to the Anti-Saloon League 
in consideration of its undertaking such local ser¬ 
vice. 

Such an arrangement will in nine cases out of ten 
give the local work far stronger and more expert 
service and at a lower cost than by putting a special, 
and probably inexperienced, local secretary into the 
field. There will also be the added advantage of 
close correlation with state-wide work covering gen¬ 
eral legislative and political conditions. 

Even in smaller cities, where the Anti-Saloon 
League has not a district office, it will fit in with 
the plans of the Anti-Saloon League of New York 
for closer supervision of its work to put an expert 
in charge of one county, or more, depending upon 
the size of the city or cities within them, and have 
such “sub-district” head to superintend the local 
“ALLIED CITIZENS” work in connection with his 
general organization, political and financial work for 
the League. In such a case the local organization 
could supply an office room and a stenographer and 
let the Anti-Saloon League pay the salary of the worker, 
who, while necessarily absent a great deal over his 
territory, could, because of the small size of his ter¬ 
ritory, generally return at night to base, since auto¬ 
mobile running expense is as cheap as hotel bills. 
Such a trained worker could give expert local advice 
and counsel, and supervision of the clerical work, 
in return for the saving of his own time through use 
of the office and clerk he would otherwise not have. 

KNOWLEDGE IS POWER 

Truth is the supreme weapon in good-government 
work. “Knowledge is power” applies with full force 
to law enforcement. No field of effort brings out 
the superiority of the expert more strongly than 
civic betterment effort. And a thoroughly in¬ 
formed constituency in a good citizenship movement 
is analogous to a trained regular army in its ad¬ 
vantage over a rabble. 

The desirability of having every member of a local 
“ALLIED CITIZENS” organization versed in the 
principles and practical operation of law enforce¬ 
ment work at least to the extent made possible by 
familiarity with the contents of a manual like this, 
is almost inestimable. A very large proportion of 
people will not read such a manual if it is merely 
mailed to them free. A personal request, however, 
by an official or member of an “ALLIED CITIZENS” 

77 


committee will accomplish wonders. The average 
member will cheerfully purchase his own copy to 
read when personally approached with the offer to 
present him with one if he does not care to pur¬ 
chase, provided he will agree to read it. It is the 
interest, the effort, the personal touch, that is the 
vital element. 


GENERAL ADVICE 

Because it is possible for even a small minority 
to revolutionize sentiment in a community until it 
becomes a majority, it is highly important to follow 
procedure which is not open to any valid objection, 
and to avoid mistakes which might give a club to 
the enemies of law and order, and then no distract¬ 
ing side-issue can be raised. 

The “ALLIED CITIZENS” is broad enough to 
cover any issue of law enforcement. There can be 
no such thing as “selective obedience” to law or 
“selective enforcement” of law. Good citizens of a 
republic must stand for the enforcement of all laws 
on principle. Furthermore, enforcement is the best 
and only safe way to arouse the public to do away 
with an obnoxious measure. Discretion is permis¬ 
sible, however, as to what measures shall be picked 
out for immediate attention by a local organization, 
and the prohibition law is stipulated as of first im¬ 
portance because there are some laws which are 
certain to be enforced automatically if others are 
first vindicated. It is folly to waste time on lesser 
issues when an equal amount of effort spent on a 
fundamental one will settle it and incidentally the 
lesser ones too. 

In the long run, more will be accomplished for all 
laws by winning out with respect to the enforce¬ 
ment of one or more which call for special effort, 
than by attempting to spread over the entire field, 
with danger of dividing the enforcement constitu¬ 
ency by unneccessary clashes of opinion. 

The safe, practical attitude is to throw the gen¬ 
eral influence of the “ALLIED CITIZENS” in favor 
of all honest, sincere enforcement efforts, but to 
FOCUS the intensive work of the “ALLIED CITI¬ 
ZENS” first upon prohibition, and after that objec¬ 
tive is achieved, upon such other items as are of 
most general interest and vital importance. 

NO ANTI-TOBACCO CRUSADE 

Under no circumstances would it be wise for any 
local organization of the “ALLIED CITIZENS” to 
undertake anything like an anti-tobacco movement. 
Let anyone who wants to engage in that sort of ac¬ 
tivity do it through some agency organized for that 
purpose. It is no defense of tobacco to point out 
that there is a fundamental distinction between 
that and alcoholic liquor in that the latter has long 
been perceived to be, and branded by the courts as, 
a major cause of insanity, pauperism and crime. 

Efforts to impute to the Anti-Saloon League in¬ 
tent to move against tobacco and in favor of so- 
called “blue laws” were wilfully false wet propa¬ 
ganda designed to weaken the influence of the 
League and its efforts to bring about prohibition 
enforcement. For a local enforcement organization 
to take action which would make it ridiculous would 
be simply a form of organization suicide. 

NEITHER COMPROMISE NOR FOLLY 

While there is so much on which there can be no 
legitimate difference of opinion it would be folly to 
split a local organization over any proposal not 
fundamental enough to win general acceptance as 

78 


an embodiment of the general principles above out¬ 
lined. 

On the naked issue of upholding the law, there 
can be no compromise, regardless of consequences. 

But all sorts of things may be proposed by the un¬ 
thinking to a local organization of this kind—things 
which involve nothing vital and respecting which 
there is no settled or clearly defined public opinion. 
In such cases it is wiser to refrain from official ac¬ 
tion, leaving every member free to oppose or sup¬ 
port, according to his own judgment. 

Further, care must be taken by the Executive 
Committee and by the members at meetings to see 
the influence of the organization is not destroyed by 
taking up foolish, inconsequential or irrelevant 
things. That is, every officer is under obligation to 
see that the “ALLIED CITIZENS” in a local com¬ 
munity does not degenerate into an instrumentality 
for exploiting the whims of an individual or of a 
small group which may attempt to assume active 
management. Here, too, relations with a general 
organization like the Anti-Saloon League or a state 
department of the “ALLIED CITIZENS” will be of 
immense aid in meeting any difficult situation. 

BE HONEST EVEN TO SUPPOSED OPPONENTS 

Everything said in Chapters 2 and 3 about the ne¬ 
cessity of giving the people the truth applies to the 
operation of a local “ALLIED CITIZENS” organiza¬ 
tion. There can be no defense on ethical grounds 
for suppressing or “doctoring” the truth when it 
seems to favor an official or political organization 
previously generally considered to be on the side of 
liquor and nullification. Further, it is utterly fatu¬ 
ous from the practical end. There is no field in which 
the proposition “Honesty is the best policy” needs to 
be heeded more carefully than in dealing with the 
public in matters that are called “political.” 

A righteous cause cannot gain additional support¬ 
ers except from the opposition and those who once 
at least tacitly stood with the opposition. What in¬ 
ducement is there to “practical” politicians to come 
out for decency if they cannot be sure of at least a 
square deal from those who profess to be exponents 
of honesty and righteousness? 

FAIRNESS BEGETS FAIRNESS 

It is obvious that no matter how closely a political 
organization may have been tied to the lawless ele¬ 
ments in the past, under the impression that this 
was necessary to retain control, the way should be 
left open for such organization to reform. It is 
successful,, practical “reform” politics to make it 
possible for “practical” politicians, once enemies, to 
line up on the side of law and order. Such politi¬ 
cians, if treated fairly, will frequently facilitate en¬ 
forcement even though they may never openly de¬ 
clare for it. And many can be brought to declare for en¬ 
forcement who still oppose prohibition. 

If any official is in fact acting on the level he is 
entitled to full, free, fair, frank credit. If he is not 
on the level in ostensible enforcement activity, then 
treating him as though he were, in the absence of 
PROOF to the contrary, is probably the most effec¬ 
tive method of bringing about a disclosure of the 
real facts,—or of converting his pretense into sin¬ 
cerity. In either case the good-government move¬ 
ment is protected. 

While giving the facts when they seem to favor 
supposed natural enemies in political and local gov¬ 
ernmental affairs is one of the very hardest things 

79 


to do, yet perhaps the most important single thing 
that those who would improve governmental condi¬ 
tions locally have to learn is— Do not be afraid 
either to FACE or TELL the facts. Of course, this 
presupposes securing all the facts and not being de¬ 
ceived by supposed facts which, because only par¬ 
tially revealed, are not really what they seem. 

The same considerations that have led it to hold 
the general organization to strictly educational 
functions, prevent the “ALLIED CITIZENS” general 
management from undertaking either to forbid 
normal, practical expression of community senti¬ 
ment merely because it may be called “political”, or 
to dictate the character, extent or limits of whatever 
activity is determined upon by any local division. 
All the general organization can do is to advise. It 
advises : —Get the facts: Play fair,—and play safe: 
Be rigid on principles—flexible on details. 

WHERE IDEALS ARE PRACTICAL 

No local civic or patriotic organization can engage 
in political activity and hold its membership to¬ 
gether and retain its influence unless it is non-fac- 
tional as well as non-partisan, and unless its policy, 
inflexibly, intelligently and tactfulfy carried out by 
its management, is to: (1) Tell the truth; (2) Deal 
justly; and (3) Put the public welfare first. 

Further, an organization such as a local division 
of the “ALLIED CITIZENS” can afford to go into 
local politics at all only as a temporary emergency 
matter to discharge the collective civic obligation of 
its individual members to secure in local govern¬ 
ment a reflection of the principles of honesty, effi¬ 
ciency and devotion to law to which they are per¬ 
sonally committed. It should not accept necessity 
for such special political activity as a sort of per¬ 
petual penance—a price of peace in the form of 
measurably tolerable local governmental conditions. 
It should seek so to conduct its work in the local po¬ 
litical field as ultimately to make that sort of activ¬ 
ity unnecessary. It should strive to create speedily 
a condition such that it can confine itself to a con¬ 
structive educational program and carry it on with 
such effectiveness and freedom from distraction 
that so large a majority of the units in the voting 
citizenship will so instinctively rally to the support 
of good officials and so automatically oppose the 
other sort, that making it easy to do right and 
hard to do wrong will become the normal activity 
of local self-government. 

Politics is the science and art of government, and 
government determines in large degree the condi¬ 
tions under which the people must live, seek to bet¬ 
ter their lot, and give expression to their aspira¬ 
tions. Government helps or handicaps even the 
Church in her efforts for the salvation of mankind. 
Therefore the best advice that can be given a local 
community is that it should approach anything 
which has to do with local government in a spirit of 
practical idealism which recognizes the possibility 
of local politics becoming the supreme spiritual ad¬ 
venture of the community. 


80 


CHAPTER S. 


THE DEPENDENCE OF COMMUNITY 
ENFORCEMENT UPON STATE AND 
NATIONAL PROHIBITION ACTIVITY 

This chapter is not a mere addendum. It is as 
vital to efficient local enforcement as all that has 
gone before. Nothing of a co-operative sort can 
be done properly without knowledge of its rela¬ 
tions to other activities and what the particular 
project owes to and may receive from them. A local 
enforcement organization will be guilty of un¬ 
pardonable waste and folly if it proceeds regardless 
of what those who have had years of experience in 
setting up and advising such movements can impart. 
It will be equally foolish and improvident if it 
permits circumscribed local work so to engross local 
interest and support as to cripple the wider activi¬ 
ties which are its own inspiration, undergirding and 
ultimate salvation. 

Various communities have tried one or both of 
these short-sighted policies and always with dis¬ 
astrous results. Reform efforts, like other phases 
of life, must be conducted with due regard for the 
amenities of relationship, and there is scant room 
for debate as to what body of prohibition workers 
can give the most to, and should receive com¬ 
plete co-operation and support from, the earnest 
citizens of every community. Obviously, just as 
the co-operation of the churches which combine 
vision and militancy in meeting civic obligations is 
indispensable to the success of local enforcement 
efforts, so the state and national organization of 
that same federated-in-fact church constituency is 
essential to the solution of the state and national 
aspects of community enforcement. 

MOST EFFICIENT LIQUOR FOE 

That the Anti-Saloon League, not an organiza¬ 
tion in itself but merely an agency, furnished the 
medium through which by far the most of* the 
working prohibition sentiment was successfully ap¬ 
plied to the legal prohibiting of the liquor traffic, 
is beyond successful contradiction. Its enemies 
furnish conclusive evidence. This statement is no 
disparagement of the invaluable service in the crea¬ 
tion of sentiment rendered by pioneer movements, 
notably the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union, 
the Good Templars and the Prohibition Party. The 
Anti-Saloon League, which entered where others 
had labored, has been pre-eminently a clearing 
house. It offered a get-together platform, enlisted 
for prohibition many persons who had not joined 
any prohibition organization, and made it possible 
for all foes of the liquor traffic, particularly the 
churches, to work effectively and harmoniously upon 
its omni-partisan, inter-denominational basis of 
union. 

HAS ALWAYS AIDED LOCAL ENFORCEMENT 

The Anti-Saloon League is the only agency in 
America which for the past quarter of a century 
has actually aided enforcement of existing prohi- 

31 


bition through a regular legal staff, expert in en¬ 
forcement procedure. This service has been fur¬ 
nished free for years in every State where the gen¬ 
eral support of the movement made it possible, at 
no cost beyond actual traveling expenses when an 
attorney was obliged to visit a locality. This minor 
requirement was necessary to prevent frivolous and 
unreasonable calls, response also being conditioned 
on the work being of a general or community 
nature, as indicated by a request from the pastors 
as representatives of the churches, or through a 
community organization such as a division of the 
“ALLIED CITIZENS.” 

If the Anti-Saloon League in any state is not 
rendering satisfactory service, the blame rests ulti¬ 
mately upon the prohibition constituency there 
which has either failed to give the League support 
or has not noted the lack of efficient service nor 
insisted on having it. 

MEDIUM OF CO-OPERATION INDISPENSABLE 

As certain things cannot be accomplished without 
a more-than-community co-operation, it is inexor¬ 
able that a local movement which will not avail 
itself of the benefits of wider co-operation is doomed 
in advance to failure. 

To succeed, a local prohibition enforcement move¬ 
ment must either lean against the Anti-Saloon 
League or against something else organized on a 
state-wide and national basis which can' render 
equal aid. The reason is simple and unanswerable. 
No local law enforcement movement fights merely 
the LOCAL liquor interests. It fights the liquor 
forces of all America who hope to “come back” here 
and to operate again from here throughout the 
world, and also the liquor traffickers of the rest of 
the world who realize the need of blocking en¬ 
forcement in America lest economic pressure alone 
ultimately force their nations to prohibition. 

NOT CHARITY, BUT SENSE 

Community prohibition is like community health 
and is to be had only on the same terms—atten¬ 
tion to the things within the community which 
breed disease, and protection against disease spread¬ 
ers that would come in from the outside. The whole 
world, practically, has been alcohol-diseased. The 
forces of civic health in America are now battling 
the disease and its spreaders, but the continued ex¬ 
istence of the laws with which each community 
fights the alcohol disease depends—so long as the 
disease disseminators and defenders struggle to re¬ 
peal or weaken those laws—upon the continued 
power of the Anti-Saloon League. In addition, all 
quarantine measures against the beverage alcohol 
traffic which are wider in scope than a community, 
those which relate to manufacture and transporta¬ 
tion, to the mobilizing of the forces of the larger 
political divisions and of the nation itself against 
the disease-makers, and the effective maintenance 
of national quarantine against the concerted efforts 
of the alcohol advocates of all the rest of the world 
—including some of their governments—to discredit 
it and break it down, depend on the continued effi¬ 
ciency and influence of the Anti-Saloon League as 
the agency through which prohibition sentiment 
converts itself into operative prohibition. 

A proper regard for all the factors in even mere 
community safety, therefore, will lead to interest 
in and support of the state and national Anti- 
Saloon Leagues and the world-wide battle against 
alcohol. 


82 


PRACTISES ITS OWN GOSPEL 

That is why the Anti-Saloon League of America, 
realizing its own need of a co-operative medium 
of world-wide scope, brought about the organization 
of the “WORLD LEAGUE AGAINST ALCO¬ 
HOLISM.” This “World League” is not an effort 
to force American prohibition on other nations, 
but to help other nations to learn the truth about 
the adoption and operation of prohibition in Amer¬ 
ica to offset the untruthful liquor statements now 
being published in every leading country. 

The so-called practical, hard-headed, “charity- 
begins-at-home” individual who is “opposed to for¬ 
eign missions” is interested in world-wide prohibi¬ 
tion, even if he thinks he is interested only in 
American prohibition, because American prohibition 
will never be safe from attack by citizens of for¬ 
eign birth and extraction until the countries they 
came from have gone dry, and future immigration 
has been measurably prepared at home for prohibi¬ 
tion in America. 

On the other hand, the missionary enthusiast who 
says in substance: “We have won prohibition in 
America and nothing further is needed here; let 
us now carry this prohibition gospel abroad” needs 
to understand that there is no single thing which 
can be done anywhere which will count so heavily 
for world-wide prohibition as to make good on 
the enforcement of prohibition in America, because 
America actually dry under reasonably efficient en¬ 
forcement will make a dry world inevitable. 

READY TO AID FURTHER 

The preceding chapters of this manual are but 
the crystallized wisdom gained by the Anti-Saloon 
League throughout America in dealing with enforce¬ 
ment, and the League stands ready at all times to 
give counsel and aid in directing community en¬ 
forcement efforts in the right channels, and in 
enabling them to meet the peculiar situations which 
are sure to occur from time to time and with respect 
to which no general rules can be made. The aid it 
gives, however, must comport always with its mis¬ 
sion as a general agency and not take the form of 
doing for communities things which they can and 
must do for themselves. In all other things, and in 
counsel and supervision, the Anti-Saloon League 
stands ready to act. 

SAVES LOCAL UNPLEASANTNESS 

The League management is willing to do unpleas¬ 
ant work from which even the bravest pastor and 
most loyal supporters of the cause in a community 
may shrink because they have to continue to live 
with the other parties to that unpleasantness as 
neighbors or fellow church members. That is one 
of the things the League exists for. Its representa¬ 
tives seek to be efficient rather than popular. 

Beneficiaries of this willingness of the Anti-Saloon 
League to be a scapegoat, however, ought to be 
fair and intelligent enough to recognize that the 
League .does such things solely in order to serve, 
and should not allow themselves to be misled by 
enemies of the cause into believing that the Anti- 
Saloon League’s consequent unpopularity in some 
quarters is due to stupidity, lack of tact or an un¬ 
pleasant disposition on the part of the management. 

Even if all possible care is taken in forming a 
local organization there will be cases where its 
officers will get cold feet or find some political or 
business complications that are embarrassing, and 
yet not have the courage and fairness to resign 

83 


Other local organization officers may become en¬ 
grossed in business and private affairs at the ex¬ 
pense of the public interest. In many such cases 
it may be necessary to bring about a reorganization. 
This cannot be initiated locally in most instances 
without unpleasantness, or starting a feud. It can 
be initiated by a state organization without such 
danger, or without permanent damage locally even 
if there is hard feeling at the time. 

REFORM WORK A SCIENCE 

While the average American citizen recognizes 
the need of the architect, the lawyer, the physician, 
the dentist and the various sorts of engineers,— 
civil, electrical, sanitary, mechanical,—not even ex¬ 
cepting locomotive and stationary,—almost anyone 
is cocksure that he can run a newspaper or plan a 
reform better than do those who are qualified and 
experienced. Most of those who insist upon their 
own ideas regardless of tested forms, and who spurn 
turning anywhere for advice, overlook entirely the 
value and importance of accumulated experience; of 
connection with a general articulated movement 
throughout the state and nation; of the enthusiasm 
that comes from the broader scope; of the value of 
the larger phases of the movement in carrying 
things safely over the sag and low places in local 
sentiment. 

It is entirely possible that any community may 
produce some genius, or some merely clear-think¬ 
ing, level-headed ordinary citizen, who will think 
of or originate some interesting unique or valuable 
DETAIL of work which may be both new and 
effective. But no community can produce a leader 
who is qualified to disregard the combined wisdom 
and experience of ALL those, everywhere, who 
have given years to prohibition and enforcement 
endeavors. 


WHERE DIVISION MULTIPLIES 

The importance to local prohibition enforcement of 
an agency like the Anti-Saloon League in pro¬ 
moting the passage of laws and creating general 
conditions that make local enforcement possible 
is so great that one will accomplish more even for 
purely local enforcement by giving $50 a year to 
carry on the “YONKERS PLAN” in his own com¬ 
munity and $50 to carry on the work of the Anti- 
Saloon League in his own state than by giving $100 
or even $200 to purely local work and neglecting 
the general work. 

Experience has proved that the citizen will get 
better results locally from entrusting to the Anti- 
Saloon League this proportion of his total contri¬ 
bution to good government than from the entire 
amount invested locally without the benefit of the 
League’s contribution of experience, service and 
influence. 

TIGHT COMMUNITIES SQUEAK MOST 

As a rule the communities which have done least 
to make the Anti-Saloon League efficient as their 
agency have been the most unreasonable* in their 
demands upon it, and most violent in their criticism 
when those demands were not met. Occasionally 
such communities have demanded from a state 
League forms of purely local service which would 
have cost the local people nothing but a little 
courage and pains, but would have cost the League 
more than ten times as much as the aggregate 
contributed by the citizens of those communities 
to the State League for all purposes, including 

84 


campaigns for legislation without which such com¬ 
munities would be helpless. Any reasonable person 
can see that such demands can not be met except 
on the preposterous basis of taking money con¬ 
tributed for STATE work by communities which 
are pulling their own weight, plus, and pouring 
it into other communities to do the purely local 
work that their own citizens are too indifferent, 
cowardly or selfish to do for themselves. 

Experience has proved that whenever any at¬ 
tempt is made to meet even a part of the un¬ 
reasonable demands of such a community it does 
not, as a rule, discharge its duty later, but is un¬ 
grateful and critical because more wag not done. 

DOES MOST FOR EACH BY DISCHARGING DUTY TO ALL 

While the communities which are approximating 
their full duty on the question of supporting the 
general work are interested in having general state 
supervision extended to communities yet in the 
depths of the liquor morass,—in order to stimulate 
them, show them how to work, and enable them to 
accomplish the most for a given expenditure locally, 
—yet the Anti-Saloon League will best discharge 
its obligation to the cause and the public—in¬ 
cluding not only the communities which are doing 
their duty but even those which shirk and then 
get ugly because their consciences hurt them— 
by attending solely to its proper general functions 
and refusing to contribute funds given for STATE 
purposes to the doing of LOCAL work. 

The Anti-Saloon League, up to the limit of the 
funds available for its work, will help arouse and 
organize the people of any community. The League 
will even help them raise money for local purposes. 
But it will not divide funds raised for its own 
activity with a local organization, nor turn over or 
spend for local purposes, such as securing local evi¬ 
dence for local use, the subscriptions taken there for 
STATE work. 


A CASE IN POINT 

It was almost infinitely more effective, as well 
as vastly cheaper, for the Anti-Saloon League of 
New York to create the issue and so arouse the 
people of the State that they elected a Governor 
committed, not only to the passage of an enforce¬ 
ment code making it the duty of local peace offi¬ 
cers to enforce prohibition, but also to the removal 
of officials who refused to enforce it—an achieve¬ 
ment which put the thirty-million-dollar-per-year 
police department of Greater New York City on 
the enforcement job—than for the State League, 
whose total annual revenue for all purposes was 
only about 1% of the annual cost of the police de¬ 
partment alone in New York City, to have wasted 
its money and energy fighting that police depart¬ 
ment in a worse than futile effort to make it fight 
the liquor traffic. But when, by sticking to its 
proper field, the League enabled officials who were 
in earnest about enforcement to be placed in con¬ 
trol of the machinery of Government higher up. 
the best possible—and an absolutely invaluable— 
service was rendered the city. 

Further, the wiping out of the “nullification beer 
act” disgrace the year following its passage, and 
the enactment in its place of an enforcement act 
in harmony with the Federal law demonstrated and 
increased the ability of the League to overcome 
temporary back-sets due to political accidents. 

85 


CHEAT THE LEAGUE—IMPOVERISH THEMSELVES 

Those who are not supporting the general work 
and receiving the regular publications of the Anti- 
Saloon League are not sufficiently acquainted with 
the forces of lawlessness which assail a com¬ 
munity to do even local work effectively. History 
is a better teacher than theory, and the communities 
and individuals regularly contributing to the Anti- 
Saloon League are everywhere the communities 
and individuals doing the most for their local situa¬ 
tion. The certainty with which, in any State, one 
can list those communities whose churches refuse 
a regular annual hearing for the Anti-Saloon 
League and opportunity for it to enlist both moral 
and financial support, and know that he has a list 
of the places conspicuous for public and private 
apathy on the Prohibition and enforcement issues, 
is tragic. Community-selfishness which seeks to 
save itself only, cannot accomplish even that; and 
in trying to do so it is not only false to its own 
good but unfair to the churches and people who do 
for themselves and for the State, the Nation and 
the World, besides, 

“SLACKER” CHURCHES RETARD MORAL ADVANCE 

One of the main reasons why New York City be¬ 
came the center of nullification activity; why only 
one city newspaper rebuked the passage of the 
“nullification beer act”—afterward repealed; why 
no newspaper in the election campaign of 1920 
condemned the nullification record and attitude of 
the Tammany candidate for Governor; why the 
newspapers—even of his own party—failed to back 
up the law-enforcement candidate for Governor in 
his prohibition enforcement declarations in New 
York City; why city officials at first connived at 
or openly joined in nullification in the city, was 
because a small number of very large or very 
wealthy churches of special prominence in New 
York City even of denominations committed to pro¬ 
hibition, with membership containing a dispropor¬ 
tionate number of outstanding leaders of society, 
business, finance and politics, during the entire fight 
for the enactment of prohibition were closed to the 
Anti-Saloon League. 

This explains why so many otherwise law-abiding and 
intelligent leading citizens there—members of churches 
of denominations generally aggressive for prohibition— 
have flouted the prohibition law. They had neither 
the facts nor the moral conviction which men occupying 
similar positions in up-State cities had been getting for 
years at their church services through the annual 
Anti-Saloon League presentations, supplemented by the 
weekly visits of the League paper to those who sub¬ 
scribed even a nominal amount. This is no discussion 
of reasons, motives, or sincerity of devotion to the 
cause, but a mere statement of what the course pursued 
by such “leading” churches has done to the interests 
of morality and law and order in New York City 
and proportionately in other wet cities. 

Perhaps the most scathing rebuke, because it was so 
temperate and dignified, ever administered to the “lead¬ 
ing” pastors of a great city was a document signed early 
in 1920 by 1,000 pastors of up-State New York—of 
some 20 denominations, representing every county out¬ 
side of Greater New York City and nearly every other 
city in the State—respectfully but insistently calling 
upon such prominent pastors of’New York City to open 
their pulpits for the annual presentation of the Anti- 
Saloon League work, as these signers had been doing 
for years to make possible the victory which the city 

36 


was beginning in part to enjoy without adequately 
contributing either to win or retain it. 

CHURCH FAIR-DEALING WITH OTHER CHURCHES 

Any State League must follow the line of least re¬ 
sistance to a certain extent and, just as the National 
League did in the National Prohibition campaigns, 
spend the money contributed through it where that 
money will secure the greatest aggregate results for 
the cause generally. Time, plus the results in places 
ready for action, will ripen those which were impossible 
earlier. It will do less damage to let a community (or 
church) not yet willing to work on this just, mutual 
basis sulk and idle by itself, until the rising tide of 
enforcement sentiment lifts it, whether it will or not, 
to a normal comprehension and spirit of co-operation. 

It is because the Anti-Saloon League pursues this 
course that it has made headway and is worthy of 
confidence. This policy fairly, kindly, but inflexibly, 
held to will accomplish results. Seven years ago only 
about 700 churches a year were open to the Anti- 
Saloon League in New York State. In many com¬ 
munities churches were not open because in the dim, 
distant past some inexperienced League man tried not 
wisely but too well to do things that were impossible. 
In others churches were closed because the League, 
grown wiser, refused to attempt to do something foolish 
at their request. Today, over nine-tenths of the 
churches of the State that squarely oppose the liquor 
traffic are open to the League. 

THE STATE HELPED ITSELF BY HELPING OTHERS 

The present advanced position of New York State 
on this issue, and the amazing achievements under 
the leadership of the State Anti-Saloon League in 
recent years, particularly ratification of the Prohibi¬ 
tion Amendment which was generally supposed to 
be impossible, are emphatic confirmation of the 
principle that team work for the general benefit is 
the only intelligent local selfishness. Because the 
League as the fighting arm of the prohibition forces 
of the State kept doing what it could for itself and 
at the same time kept working as part of a nation¬ 
wide movement and receiving through the impact 
of the wider movement continuous and increasing— 
and at last measureless—aid from the organized 
moral sentiment of the nation, the State got the full 
benefit of its own earnest efforts plus the fruits of 
the greater national triumph. When the New York 
League, for example, instead of insisting that its 
own local problems were so great it could not help 
in the work for a constitutional amendment, strained 
every nerve and raised and spent every available 
cent in marshalling the moral sentiment of the State, 
—and increased the Congressional vote from New 
York by a number in excess of the margin by which 
National Prohibition was submitted, New York 
thereby obtained prohibition for itself,—something 
it could not possibly have secured except with na¬ 
tional help on a national .basis until after many long, 
weary, terrible years. 

SACRIFICE AND MORAL CONVICTION 

The Anti-Saloon League represents more than a 
quarter of a century of experience and effort. In 
New York State alone in the past 20 years the people 
have contributed about $2,000,000 in cash to organize 
and carry on its work. The things done voluntarily by 
pastors and lay members of the churches, both men 
and women, in supporting it and pressing its various 
campaigns would at the least possible calculation have 
cost enough more—if it could have been done at all by 

87 


hired labor—to equal a total cash investment of $10,- 
000,000 in this one State alone! 

When it is considered that this kind of thing has 
been going on proportionately throughout America, and 
that the influence of the overwhelming majority of the 
churches of the country has been thus organized and 
thrown into the struggle, making available and concen¬ 
trating upon this issue the total moral influence result¬ 
ing from the vast sums spent erecting and maintaining 
these churches and paying their pastors and other work¬ 
ers, and the total moral influence of their membership 
and constituency, it will readily be understood—the time 
element being as indispensable in work of this kind as 
in the development of an oak tree—that neither a hun¬ 
dred million dollars in ten years nor a billion dollars 
in twenty years could duplicate the potency of the 
Anti-Saloon League unless the duplicate were built 
on the church, and built just like the Anti-Saloon 
League. 

Of more moment than financial totals, every dollar 
which has gone into the making of the Anti-Saloon 
League represents sacrifice and moral conviction. 

The League embodies the cumulative conscience of the 
churches, and their willingness to do something toward 
answering their own prayers against the liquor traffic. 

THE POWER OF PRAYER 

It has developed the greatest extension course in 
civics practically applied to a moral issue that the world 
has ever seen. Once a year at a regular church service 
(nearly 4,000 in New York alone), the progress of the 
work is reported and the issues defined. Every sub¬ 
scriber of even a small amount receives free—part 
of his subscription to the general work being specifically 
applied for that purpose—the Anti-Saloon League offi¬ 
cial publication, either national or the one issued for 
the particular State, in most cases weekly. 

Approximately a million people are contributing to 
the Anti-Saloon League, which has a printing plant rep¬ 
resenting half a million dollars and sends out these 
official papers into approximately half a million families. 

The Anti-Saloon League, as the fruitage of time, has 
a momentum, a public confidence and a “good will” 
which could not be created in a hurry even with un¬ 
limited money. 

Chief of all, it represents the power of prayer. It 
was conceived in prayer, has been conducted in a spirit 
of prayer, and is daily borne up by the prayers of mul¬ 
tiplied tens of thousands of earnest souls. 

Small wonder that it has developed such an esprit de 
corps and such a spirit of service among its workers 
that in more than a quarter of a century it has never 
had a split in its ranks; that the men who have shaped 
its policies and directed the work in its several juris¬ 
dictions have been in nearly every case men who would 
have profited largely in a financial way by leaving it for 
some other work, but have stayed as a part of their 
sacrifice to the cause! 

A TRIUMPH OF MILITANT DEMOCRACY 

These facts reveal why the Anti-Saloon League is 
the most unique, significant and powerful manifestation 
of morally militant democracy developed in the history 
of the world, having no existence apart from the 
churches which constitute it and use it as their agency, 
and no power except the power of the churches. It is 
living proof that the churches and moral forces can be 
practical,—the conclusive demonstration that self-gov¬ 
ernment is capable of effective self-defense. 

PRACTICAL RELIGION AND OPERATIVE PATRIOTISM 

In addition to the vindication of self-government the 
Anti-Saloon League has taught the church its power 


and its responsibility to a marked degree. It has 
brought about an era of better feeling. It has con¬ 
tributed far more than is generally realized to the 
mutual desire for co-operation that has led to co-opera¬ 
tive church efforts in many directions. In spite of 
difficulties in the way of union of the churches, it has, 
without fuss or friction, achieved a successful, working 
union of the churches for outlawing in the greatest 
nation on earth the greatest obstacle in the way of 
the Church’s progress. 

No wonder its enemies fear it! No wonder that those 
who do not comprehend how Divine wisdom has guided 
it through the consecration of its human leaders, and 
Divine power has been permitted to empower it for 
victory, believe that there is something mysterious 
about it 1 It is the greatest combination of operative 
patriotism and practical religion ever set in motion. 

LIBERTY NO SPECIES OF PERPETUAL MOTION 

All this however has been but preparation for its su¬ 
preme task now confronting it. The League has been 
built on recognition of the fact that the Lord never 
requires a majority of a town meeting to be with Him 
on the start; that all He needs is a chosen few through 
whom to set His forces in motion. Gideon’s three hun¬ 
dred of the right sort are worth more alone than when 
mixed with human non-conductors. 

The Anti-Saloon League has been an instrument of 
victory because it did not try to tone itself down to 
the level of the so-called “practical,” but sought to 
establish standards of eternal righteousness and then 
bring the public up to those standards. The over¬ 
whelming popular majority for prohibition in America 
today is a modern miracle wrought by divinely aided 
natural means But there is no short cut to reform in 
a republic. The sentiment which was not enlisted for 
prohibition per se in the contest for the enactment of 
it, must still be won to it if prohibition is to be safe. 
An intelligent, sustained fight for enforcement is the 
last chance. The nation may never have another so 
favorable an opportunity to make good on the moral 
convictions and aspirations of its citizenship. 

The spirit of all patriots of the past needs to be in¬ 
voked today to rouse the nation from all sleeping sick¬ 
ness of indifference, and from the deadly notion that 
liberty is automatic and self-operative,—a species of 
civic “perpetual motion,”—instead of being a product 
of applied faith, effort, wisdom, vigilance and sacrifice. 

WILL QUIT WHEN LIQUOR TRAFFIC DOES 

The Anti-Saloon League will be ready to quit 
within ten minutes after the liquor traffic ceases 
forever its efforts to come back or to violate the 
law. Until then the clamorous demand of liquor 
criminals and nullification newspapers that the 
League demPbilize its constituency and cease its 
activity, and that its supporters stop their contribu¬ 
tions, constitutes the most conclusive proof of the 
fact that as the agency of the federated churches 
it is the only thing which stands between the people 
and the breakdown of prohibition enforcement—the 
only obstacle to the return of the “SALOON,” how¬ 
ever that institution may be sugar-coated by beer 
professions or disguised under a new name. The 
League must continue so to stand so long as it is 
needed. 


89 


Appendix 


WHAT AN INDIVIDUAL CITIZEN 

CAN DO 

The collective enforcement responsibility of a 
community is but the sum of the enforcement re¬ 
sponsibilities of its individual citizens. Those re¬ 
sponsibilities cannot be voided or transferred; they 
can only be shirked or met. He who wants to meet 
them faces a wide-open door of opportunity, priv¬ 
ilege and usefulness. All things thus far in this 
manual were meant to equip him to do his co-oper¬ 
ative duty, but if he yet feels the need of a definite 
catalogue of things he individually can do, that, too, 
is supplied in the following list of things he can do 
in addition to supporting the work financially, in 
both local and general aspects, in a way that reflects 
his recognition of its importance and his desire and 
ability to help. 

(a) BE INFORMED 

The first thing any citizen should do is learn and 
live the American creed and catch and reflect the 
spirit of Lincoln respecting reverence for law. He 
should also become informed respecting prohibition 
and enforcement. To this end: 

(1) Read AND STUDY this manual, especially Chapter 4. 

(2) Take, and read, one of the regular periodicals of the Anti- 
Saloon League, preferably the one for your own state. 

(3) Learn why and how prohibition was accomplished. 

(4) Get a copy of the law, both state and national, and know 
what is prohibited and what enforcement powers national, 
state and local officials have. 

(5) Learn where the one-half cf one percent, limit on the al¬ 
coholic content of beverages started, why it is essential, 
and what the United States Supreme Court has ruled as 
to its reasonableness and necessity. 

(6) Get the facts about the attitude of enlightened medical 
practice toward alcohol. 

(7) Get acquainted with the evidence that the opinion of the 
nation favors prohibition overwhelmingly, and be ready to 
use it, especially against uninformed loud talkers. 

(8) Be informed respecting beer and wine, their effect, and 
the forces behind the effort to bring them back. 

(9) Ask the nearest office of the Anti-Saloon League in your 
state for information on any of these or other points con¬ 
cerning which you are not informed, and have yourself 
listed as one to whom the League can at any time send 
any important information with assurance it will result in 
proper action. 

(19) Learn all you can about local conditions and what is and 
what is not being done by the enemies of law and by the 
local officials, and advise the Anti-Saloon League. 

(b) HELP ORGANIZE YOUR COMMUNITY 

(1) Join the “ALLIED CITIZENS OF AMERICA.” 

(2) Ask others to join; and send in their signed covenant cards 
to the general office. 

(3) Help organize a local division. See Chapter 4. 

(4) Help inaugurate the “YONKERS PLAN” in your commun¬ 
ity, using the directions in this manual as a guide. That 
is, do not merely subscribe to carry it on, but if nobody 
else does it, then be the single individual referred to in 
Chapter 2, who will, by himself or herself, start the whole 
community at work on it. 

(c) INFLUENCE PUBLIC OPINION 

(1) When the return of beer is suggested, lose no chance to 
make clear, that, notwithstanding the pretense of the 
brewers that they are opposed to the saloon, IF BEER 
RETURNS THE RETURN OF THE SALOON IN SOME 
FORM IS INEVITABLE; that regular beer is intoxicating 
and prohibited by the Eighteenth Amendment—that half¬ 
way beer would cloak the unlawful sort; that the beer 
consumed by the American people before prohibition con¬ 
tained more aggregate volume of alcohol than the whiskey 
they drank. 

(2) Speak your convictions courageously whenever in your 
presence the violation of law is condoned or the enforce¬ 
ment of law condemned. Don’t be bluffed into silence. 


90 


(3) Distribute literature,—this manual, enforcement leaflets, 
and prohibition facts. 

(4) Discuss enforcement in tho public press, and answer news¬ 
paper statements and contributed articles which slur pro¬ 
hibition or its enforcement, or which impugn the methods 
by which it was enacted or its rightful authority as law. 
The Anti-Saloon League will assist with information and 
advice if asked. 

(5) Secure lists of arrests and convictions for drunkenness, 
liquor making and liquor selling, and also the total for all 
crimes, month by month, and make them public if it is not 
otherwise done as part of a general plan. Let the State 
Anti-Saloon League know if you are willing to secure this 
information regularly for its state-wide public information 
service on this point. 

(6) Encourage discussions of law, order and enforcement by 
local religious, social and commercial organizations. 
Speak before them when there is opportunity. 

(7) Visit editors and newspaper owners and urge them to 
encourage and support enforcement. 

(8) Help organize any public meetings needed to arouse sen¬ 
timent. 

(9) Get prohibition facts into the newspapers. 

(10) Take a hand in the work of Americanizing those of alien 
birth and viewpoint, that they may learn the fairness of 
the American system of government, the rightful author- * 
ity of, and the proper attitude toward, all law. 

( 11 ) Call upon your pastor, if he is one of the minority with 
whom it is necessary, and ask for more positiveness on 
the enforcement question and, especially, more instructing 
of the congregation as to their responsibility and power. 

( 12 ) Personally urge inactive prominent citizens to make their 
influence felt for enforcement. 

( 13 ) Protest, in the newspapers and otherwise, and urge pas¬ 
tors and others to protest, against jury verdicts of 
acquittal where evidence of guilt is clear. 

(d) AID OFFICERS, COURTS AND LIQUOR VICTIMS . 

(1) Serve on a jury when called and urge other good citizens 
to do likewise. 

( 2 ) Attend, and interest other good citizens in attending, 
trials of dry law offenders. The friends of the lawless are 
always in court. 

( 3 ) Call upon public officials who have enforcement respon¬ 
sibilities. Any citizen may visit any public official who 
lives in his own community. This applies to all local offi¬ 
cials, to the member of the Senate and lower house of the 
State Legislature and to the Congressman—in case they 
are local residents—and also to judges and the district 
attorney and the sheriff. In case some of these officials 
do not live in one’s immediate locality but come there 
regularly they may be called upon then. Where they are 
not accessible letters may be written. In this connection 
read the general suggestions in Chapter 4. 

The same thing should be said in either letter or conver¬ 
sation: “I am calling (or writing) merely 1 to get acquainted 
and to let you know that I am interested in the enforce¬ 
ment of the prohibition law along with a host of others who 
may be too busy or thoughtless to come and tell you so 
but will know and appreciate what you do.” If disap¬ 
proval: “I am disappointed in your action respecting the 
enforcement of prohibition”—with a statement of particu¬ 
lars. In case of some particularly fine public service, com¬ 
mendation should be unqualified: “I am calling (or writ¬ 
ing) to tell you how much I appreciate what you did. It 
makes me feel proud to have a public official represent the 
best public sentiment on this question. Call on me to help 
if you have trouble because of it.” In any case use your 
own language. 

(4) Do not be fooled by the public officials to whom you talk 
or write. Many of them will talk frankly and sincerely. 
Others will try to make a case for themselves. There can 
be no valid excuse for an official’s failing to try to enforce 
the law, and no excuse to that effect should be accepted. 
There may be reasons why some official enforcement ef¬ 
forts fail. If an official sets these out he should be 
asked whether he is willing to be quoted and perhaps why 
he does not make a public statement and appeal to the 
public for help in improving hampering conditions. 

One of the great elements of value in this intercourse 
between a private citizen and officials is the benefit de¬ 
rived by the private citizen himself. His local govern¬ 
ment becomes more intelligible to him. He will fre¬ 
quently have his faith in human nature strengthened by 
the honesty and earnestness of purpose indicated by the 
officials he talks to. On the other hand he may have his 
eyes opened to the shiftiness, evasiveness, or sullen de¬ 
fiance of those officials that are hostile. But he learns 
SOMETHING. 

(5) Be on the look-out for and note any indication cf the fol¬ 
lowing forms of violation: illegal sale; manufacture; soli¬ 
citation; transportation; delivery; advertising (liquor or 
recipe) by sign, circular or newspaper; prescription; pur¬ 
chase; or possession. (Illegality of sale, for example, may 
lie in selling without a permit, cr for purposes not cov- 

n 


ered by the permit, or to a person who has no permit 

to buy.) , ...... . 

(6) Report any KNOWN violation of the prohibition law or 
any circumstances that establish moral certainty of_ a 
violation to the Secretary or President of the “ALLIED 
CITIZENS,” so they can give it to the authorities. DON T 
PEDDLE GOSSIP OR MERE SUSPICION. 

(7) If there is no local organization of the “ALLIED CITI¬ 
ZENS” or ‘ YONKERS PLAN” Committee, then report 
such violation to (a) the mayor or village president or 
head of the local police department; or (b) to the district 
attorney of the county or the nearest representative of the 
State police; or (c) to the Supervising Federal Prohibition 
Agent or his nearest representative; AND (d) send a 
copy to the State Anti-Saloon League so it can also take 
the matter up with the officials when desirable. 

(8) Make a sworn complaint to the prosecuting officer of the 
county, to a judge of a court of record, or to a United 
States Commissioner or to the Federal District Attorney 
as the basis for the issuance* of a search warrant. 

(9) Make a sworn complaint (the Anti-Saloon League will fur¬ 
nish the proper form, a supply of which should be in the 
hands of the local “ALLIED CITIZENS” organization) 
to the Federal Prohibition Director for the State, setting 

* forth the facts showing that any person who has a permit 
for certain transactions in liquor for non-beverage pur¬ 
poses is not conforming to the law, as the basis of a hear¬ 
ing as to whether such permit shall be revoked. 

(10) Make a complaint to the clerk of any court which has 
issued an injunction because of violation of the enforce¬ 
ment act, setting out facts showing that the injunction has 
been violated, as a basis for contempt proceedings against 
the person so violating it. • 

PROHIBITIVE TAX OFFERS UNIQUE OPPORTUNITY 

(11) Make—when you can get sufficient facts to do so—an affi- 
. davit which will cause imposition of a “prohibitive tax” 

under the National Prohibition Act. This does not require 
a trial, and results in the imposition of an additional 
penalty of more than $500 (or more than $1,000 in the case 
of one who illegally makes any liquor) which is larger than 
the fine usually imposed by many courts. Furthermore, 
this tax does not interfere in any respect with subsequent 
criminal proceedings. All that is necessary is to fill out 
and send to the Federal Prohibition Commissioner, Wash¬ 
ington, D. C., an affidavit covering manufacture or sale, 
the form for which may be secured from your own Anti- 
Saloon League or from the Federal Prohibition Commis¬ 
sioner at Washington, and the tax is then imposed by 
the United States Commissioner of Internal Revenue and 
it becomes the duty of the Internal Revenue Collector for 
the particular district to collect it, the burden being on 
the person who has violated the law to show that he has 
not violated it and is not liable to the tax. Secure full 
instructions from your State Anti-Saloon League. 

MAKE COMPLAINTS IN WRITING TO FURNISH A RECORD 

(12) Ask the local authorities personally or by letter—or, in 
aggravated cases, by a letter sent to the newspapers for 
publication—why the injunction process is not used; and 
why the prohibitive tax is not used upon certain places 
that are violating the law; and why drunken men are not 
given the maximum penalty unless they tell where and 
from whom they got their liquor. 

(13) Notify proper officials when a drunken man is seen on the 
street and particularly when men are seen coming drunk 
out of a given place. Don’t just tell a policeman. Send 
written word, for the sake of keeping a record, to the 
mayor. He will refer it to the police department, but 
you will thus have the record on both. 

(14) Notify prosecuting officers when you know that parties 
arrested are former offenders. Severer penalties are pro¬ 
vided for repeaters. 

(15) Keep tab on individuals who have had sentence suspended 
during good behavior and report any further violation to 
the judge so he can act accordingly. 

ADVISE DRINK VICTIMS AND PROPERTY OWNERS 

(16) Advise any person who is injured in person, property, 
means of support, or otherwise by reason of the intoxica¬ 
tion of any person, of his or her right to bring an action 
for damages against any person who by unlawfully selling 
or helping procure the liquor may have caused or con¬ 
tributed to the intoxication. 

(17) Advise the owner of any room, house, building, boat, 
vehicle, structure or place which is being used for the 
illegal manufacture or sale of liquor of that fact and of 
his liability to have his property closed under injunction, 
or sold to pay fines and costs, in order that such owner 
may protect himself by declaring a forfeiture of the lease 
and evicting violators of the law from his premises. 

If one has no direct and conclusive evidence, it is 
sufficient to notify the property owner that men are 
seen to go into the place sober and come out drunk. 

92 


The notice should be careful not to contain anything 
that cannot be proved, and copies should be sent to the 
local officials, the Federal officials and the Anti-Saloon 
League, either direct or through the local “ALLIED 
CITIZENS." 

(18) Send the Anti-Saloon League any clippings and other 
information that you have, bearing on either law en¬ 
forcement or political conditions that may have a rela¬ 
tion to law enforcement. 

(e) ACT POLITICALLY 

(1) Register as a voter. Urge other good citizens to do so. 

(2) Enroll in a party—the party in which you think you can 
render the most service—and help nominate and elect fit 
public officials. 

(3) Take part in the primary election campaign. 

(4) Help bring out capable and rightly disposed candidates. 

(5) Help circulate their designating petitions. 

(6) Call upon or write the local or county political leaders 
and ask them to pick competent, conscientious men for 
law enforcement positions. 

(7) Attend the primary elections, and VOTE. 

(8) Do your part in the election campaign. 

(9) Vote on election day. 

(10) Serve as watcher at the polls in primary or election con¬ 
tests over enforcement officials, when asked or needed. 

(11) Accept official responsibility when it is urged upon you 
and you can serve your community by shouldering it. 
But don’t hunt for it, and under no circumstances allow 
yourself to be induced to become a candidate for any 
office for which an honest, capable friend of enforcement 
is already a candidate, when there is, or may be, a wet 
candidate who might win if the enforcement vote is divided. 

If you feel your courage getting low in the face 
of prohibition enforcement difficulties read the fol¬ 
lowing carefully—and ponder. 

BATTLE ORDER TO MACHINE GUNNERS 
of the 27th Division, A. E. F., given by Major Gen. John F. 
O’Ryan, of New York, before the “Breaking of the Hindenburg 
Line," Sept. 28, 1918. 

1. This position will be held and the section will remain here 
until relieved. 

2. The enemy cannot be allowed to interfere with this pro¬ 
gramme. 

3. If the gun team cannot remain here alive, it will remain 
here dead, but in any case, it will remain here. 

4. Should any man, through shell shock or other cause, at¬ 
tempt to surrender, he will remain here—dead. 

5. Should the gun be put out of action the team will use 
rifles, revolvers. Mills grenades and other novelties. 

6. Finally, the position, as stated, will be held. 

The position was held. 


Two “Yonkers Plan” Contributors 

MR. MACY’S $25,000 CONTRIBUTION 

The publication of the following letter from Mr. 
V. Everit Macy, Commissioner of Charities and Cor¬ 
rections for Westchester, New York’s largest sub¬ 
urban county, attracted nation-wide attention to the 
“YONKERS PLAN”: 

New York, Feb. 10, 1921. 

Mr. William H. Anderson 
906 Broadway 
New York City 
My dear Mr. Anderson: 

Few persons are in better position to judge of the evil effects 
of alcohol than the Commissioners of Charities and Corrections 
throughout the country. Our experience in Westchester has 
been similar to that in other places and for six months after 
the Volstead Act first became effective, the number of pris¬ 
oners and actual alcoholic cases in the County Hospital were 
very much reduced. The effect of the recent lax enforcement 
was immediately shown by the rapid increase in the number 
of prisoners and in many acute cases of alcoholism. 

The matter of law enforcement, however, is of more import¬ 
ance than that of prohibition, and all citizens of Westchester 
regardless of their views on prohibition must agree that the 
Constitution of the United States must be upheld and the laws 
carried out. Lax enforcement of the Volstead Act is just as 
serious as the lax enforcement of any other law. The very spirit 
of disorder and crime that is so menacing at the present time 
is directly encouraged by those violating this law. 

In the interest of law and order in Westchester County and 
to help reduce the evils of alcohol to a minimum, I am glad to 
pledge five thousand dollars a year for five years toward the 

93 



enforcement of the Volstead Act in Westchester County on 
the basis of the “Yonkers Plan” on the following conditions: 
that one thousand dollars per year shall be available for gen¬ 
eral County use, provided four times that sum is subscribed 
by others and that the remaining four thousand per year shall 
be used in various localities in the ratio that the local popula¬ 
tion bears to the population of the County, provided that each 
locality obtains subscriptions of four times the amount ap¬ 
plied to that district. 

I am sure you will be able to find others equally willing to 
join in a campaign of law enforcement in Westchester County. 

Yours truly, 

(Signed) V. EVERIT MACY. 

JOHN D. ROCKEFELLER, JR., APPROVES AND GIVES AID 

Following this Mr. John D. Rockefeller, Jr., who 
is only a summer resident of the county, made a 
subscription of $5,000 to carry on the “YONKERS 
PLAN” for Westchester County on the same condi¬ 
tions as those contained in Mr. Macy’s letter, except 
that it was for one year only, lie 1 not caring to com¬ 
mit himself for more than one year at a time. He 
accompanied his subscription with the following 
letter, which was carried throughout the country by 
the press associations: 

26 Broadway 
New York 

March 17, 1921. 

Dear Mr. Anderson: 

In forwarding my pledge to contribute toward the fund which 
is being raised to meet the conditional offer of Mr. V. Everit 
Macy for work in Westchester County under the so-called 
“Yonkers Plan,” I take occasion to express my feeling of the 
vital importance of law observance and law enforcement as es¬ 
sential to the permanence of our free institutions. The ques¬ 
tion of the wisdom and propriety of National Prohibition is no 
longer at issue, having been decided by the adoption of the 
Federal constitutional amendment and sustained by the United 
States Supreme Court. It is now the law of the land, predi¬ 
cated upon a constitutional amendment, which is the most 
solemn form of legislation possible under our form of govern¬ 
ment. To fail in the observance and enforcement of such a 
law strikes at the very foundations of orderly government, and 
is in that way an attack upon civil liberty, for in a republic 
there can be no freedom for the individual if there is no respect 
for and enforcement of the laws which have been enacted in 
the manner prescribed by the people themselves in the con¬ 
stitutions which they have adopted. 

While the general legislation of Nation and State deter¬ 
mines the conditions under which enforcement must be car¬ 
ried on, yet in the last analysis enforcement is a local matter 
and must be worked out in every locality, and the people of 
each locality must face and assume their responsibility for the 
creation and maintenance of the public sentiment that will sup¬ 
port local officials in enforcement and require them to do 
their duty. The process of public education, which is essen¬ 
tial to the enforcement of any law which is singled out for 
organized attack and efforts at modification, will result in a 
better public comprehension of the importance of upholding 
the sanctity of law in general. 

Very truly, 

(Signed) JOHN D. ROCKEFELLER, JR. 

Mr. William H. Anderson 
The Anti-Saloon League 
906 Broadway, New York City 


* 


NOTE:—Information respecting a supplemental 
pamphlet “WHAT WAS SAID AND DONE IN 
YONKERS,” will be found at the bottom of page 14. 



INDEX 

Allied Citizens: Activity, p. 53-54, 78-9; Americanization, 52, 59, 
66; Anti-Saloon League and, 6, 47-9, 53-6, 62-3, 70, 77; Blanks 
and Literature, 34-6, 61, 65; Canvass for Members, 33-6, 60-1; 
Charter, Locals, 49; Churches and, 40, 55, 59; Committees, 
58-60; Conditions of Offer, 6, 48-9; Constitution, 57-8; Cost 
of, 6; Course of Study, 63-4; Covenant, 54; Defined, 13; 
Educational, 51; Equivalent Organizations, 6; 47-9; Expenses, 
54-7; Financing, 54-7; Junior Department, 59; Membership, 
52, 54-5, 61; National, 49; Officers, 54, 57-60; Organizing, 16, 
48-9, 57, 61; Outside of New York, 49, 61; Political Action, 
50-1, 59, 63, 69-70, 79-80; Purposes, 50; Refusal to Join, 60-1; 
Scope, 53, 57-60, 62, 79; Supervision, 48, 77; “YONKERS 
PLAN” and, 6, 13, 16, 34-6, 47, 53, 63, 66. 

Americanization: .50, 52, 59, 66, 76, 91. 

Anti-Saloon League: 81-9; “ALLIED CITIZENS” and, 6, 47-9, 
51, 54-6, 62, 68, 70-1; Cheating, 86; Churches and, 81-6, 7, 8; 
Efficiency, 81; Indispensable, 82-6; Investment in, 84, 87-8; 
Quit, when, 89; Relation to Local Enforcement, 83-5; Sup¬ 
port of, Essential, 82-6; Unreasonable Demands on, 84-5; 
What an Individual Can Do, 90-3; What It Represents, 87-9; 
World League Against Alcoholism, 23. 


Battle Order: .93. 

Beer: Intoxicating, 12; Means Saloon Return, 12, 64, 89-90. 


Candidates: ....45, 69-70. 

Canvass of Community: .33-6, 59-61; line of cleavage, 61. 

Churches: (See “Allied Citizens”, Anti-Saloon League and 
“Yonkers Plan); Bible Classes, 30; Brotherhoods, 40; Catho¬ 
lic, 40; Conservative, 40; Control by, 40; Duty to State and 
National Work, 81-9; Federaton, 40; Power of, 40; Slacker, 86; 
Sunday School, 17; Young People’s Societies of, 17-8. 

Citizens Alliance: .6, 13, 34-5, 49. 

Civic Service Banner: .\.34, 60-1. 

Clergymen: .16, 37, 59, 66, 86. 

Concurrent Power: .64. 

Courts: .Helping the, 52, 65-8, 74. 

Cure, Not Quackery: .13. 


Detectives: 


6, 19-21. 


Emergency Remedy: .5, 22-3, 53. 

Enabling Acts: . ...73-5 

Enforcement: Old Method, 6, 37-8, 41-2; public funds for, 6, 22, 
43-4, 67; Qualifications for, 15; Two Factors, 15; Unlawful, 21-2; 
Why Needed, 7 , 8. 11, 14, 46, 89; Wrong Kind, 6, 9, 10,. 21. 

Enrollment, Patriotic: .54; Part Three-fold Program, 13, 76. 

Evidence: .Getting, 19-21; Use, 6, 20-8, 43-5. 

Federal Aid: .24, 68, 92-3. 

Finances: “Allied Citizens”, 54-7; Anti-Saloon League, 82-8; 
“Yonkers Plan”, 19, 26-8, 31-6. 

Five Years: .12, 33. 


Individual: .What Can Do, 90-3. 

Injunction: .'.. ...44, 64, 92. 

Judges: .5, 64, 68, 71, 91. 

Juries: .64, 65-6. 


Law and Order: .Key to, 5, 14, 46, 89, 94. 

Laws: Improving, 8, 62, 70-6; Read, 63 , 90. See “Obedience”. 

Lawyers: .19, 23, 36, 72, 76, 82. 

Libel: .23, 27, 36, 43. 

Lincoln: ....5, 90. 

Liquor: .Sacramental, 41, 64; Seller Liable, 64, 92. 

Literature: ..26, 63. 


Macy, V. Everit: ... •••••••• 

Manual, This: “ALLIED CITIZENS” Divisions and, 63, 77-8; 
Prices, 2: Economy by Use of, 31-8; Safeguards Co-operating 
Citizens, 9-10; Several in One, 13-4; Study It, 8, 90; Supple¬ 
ment, 14; Wide Local Circulation, 8, 18-8, 31-2, 36, 38, 63, 77-8. 
Meetings: .Public, 17, 29-30, 53, 55, 59, 66-7. 


Newspapers: 

Nullification: 


.11, 26-8, 43-6, 62-4, 89. 

11, 85; Effects of, 11, 42, 93. 


Obedience to—Respect for Law: 5, 9, 12-4-5, 23, 26, 50, 66, 91-3-4. 
Officials: Connivance, 7, 21, 41-2; Derelict, 5-7, 22-5, 41-5, 69-71; 
Notice to, 24, 66; Removal of, 62, 69; Unfit, 69, 71; Worthy, 
Support of, 5, 7, 22-4, 41, 50-2, 62-4, 66-7, 91. 

Ordinances: .Local Enforcement, 71-6. 

Organizations: Other, 17, 18, 32, 39, 40, 59, 81; Liquor, 11, 51. 
Ousting Unfit Officials: .69-71. 

Politic"*) 1 Activity: ' see'‘‘ALLIED' citlZ ENS” and'‘‘YONKERS 
PLAN”: Individual, 93; Fairness, 63 , 79-80; Reform, 8. 

Prison Sentences: .--Uij cP 7 A 

Program: .13, 48, 50, 53 62 75-6-7; Three-fold, 13, 53, 76 

Prohibition: Benefits, 7, 11, 15, 33, 42, 64, 93; In Danger, 12; 
Slipped Over? 45-6. 

Property Owners i .• •••••••••**•• ^Liable, 44, Warning 1 , 66, 92. 


95 








































INDEX—(Continued) 


Prosecuting Attorneys; .22-5, 41-4, 67-8, 76, 91. 

Public: .Rights of, 6, 22-4, 42-3. 

Publicity: .6, 9, 17, 22-4, 26-8, 42, 59, 62-6. 


Quackery: .13. 

Quitting: .46, 89, 93. 

Registration and Enrollment: . 69. 

Rockefeller, John D., Jr.: .94. 

Roosevelt: .44. 


Salaries (and Profit): .No, 9, 29, 61. 

Saloon: .12, 64, 89, 90. 

Self-Government: ..7. 

Special Remedies: (Injunction, Prohibitive Tax, etc.), 44-5, 64, 92. 

Study: .Course of, 64. 

Suppression of Facts: .22-5, 62. 

Three-fold Program: 13, 53, 76; (1) Community Canvass and 
Enrollment, 60-1, also see 33-4; (2) Local Enforcement Ordi¬ 
nance, 71-6; (3) “YONKERS PLAN,” Chapters 1, 2 and 3. 


Vice, Other: ...46. 

Warning to American People: ...5. 

What an Individual Can Do: .90-93. 

What Was Said and Done in Yonkers: .14. 

Women: .18, 30, 63, 81. 

World League Against Alcoholism: ..83. 


“Yonkers Plan”: Advisory Committee, 36; “ALLIED CITI¬ 
ZENS” and, 13, 15, 34-6, 40, 46, 47, 53, 63, 66-7; Anti-Saloon 
League and, 6, 9, 16, 20, 28-9, 36, 38, 44; Canvass for, 31-6; 
Churches and, 16-7, 29, 30, 40, 41; Civic Organizations and, 

18, 39; Committee, 13, 20-2-3-4-5-6, 35, 43; Contributions to, 
32-5, 93-4; Defined, 6; Detectives and, 19, 21; Economy, fool¬ 
ish, 9, 38; Emergency Remedy, 22, 53; Evidence Under, 20-8, 
40-4; Financing, 19, 26, 28-36; Finance Committee, 19, 30-1-2-3, 
35-6; Five-Year Proposition, 12, 33; How Offered, 9; Leaders, 

19, 38, 40, 45; Leaflet Form, 35; Legal Counsel, 36; Mutila¬ 
tion, 25; Need for, 7, 9, 10, 11, 12; Newspapers and, 26, 28; 
Pastors and, 16; Political (not), 6, 8, 24-5, 45; Prosecu¬ 
tion, No, 6; Public Officials, Relation to, 5-6, 21-6, 41-4; 
Philosophy of, 7, 9, 10, 12-3, 15; Publicity Under, 22-8; 
Results, 10; Starting, 7-8, 15-20; Supervision, 36; Treasurer, 31; 
L T nchangeable, 22, 25, 49, 50; Unfit Leaders, Ousting, 39; 
What Was Said and Done in Yonkers, 14; Women’s Organ¬ 
izations and, 18; Young People’s Societies and, 17, 18, 32. 

Young People’s Societies: .17, 18, 32. 


THE YONKERS PLAN 


96 


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